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TOWARDS A CARING SOCIETY
Programme of The Workers' Party
1994
CONTENTS
1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Party Philosophy
1.2 Style of Government
1.3 A Government of the People by the People for the People
2. ECONOMIC PROGRAMME
2.1 Minimum Conditions of Growth
2.2 Sharing in the Fruits of Growth
2.3 Taxations
2.4 Central Provident Fund
2.5 Labour and Trade Unions
2.6 Local Entrepreneurs
3. GOVERNMENT AND CIVIL LIBERTIES
3.1 Parliament as a Check on Executive Power
3.2 Executive President
3.3 Civil Service & Grassroots Organisations
3.4 Minority Rights
3.5 Citizens' Rights
3.6 Independent Elections Commission
3.7 Conclusion
4. JUSTICE, LAW AND ORDER
4.1 Administration of Justice
4.2 Law
4.3 Order
5. EDUCATION
5.1 A System that Lags Behind
5.2 PAP Aims
5.3 Workers' Party Philosophy
5.4 Specific Proposals for Basic Education
5.5 Streaming
5.6 University Education
5.7 Adult Education
5.8 Independent Schools
6. HEALTH CARE
6.1 Medisave - A System in Collapse
6.2 The Workers' Party Alternative
6.3 Interim Measures
6.4 Convalescent Homes
7. SOCIAL JUSTICE
7.1 Public Assistance Allowance
7.2 Care of the Aged and Infirm
7.3 Care of the Handicapped
8. HOUSING
8.1 Review of Prices
8.2 Rental Flats
8.3 Management of Estates
8.4 Town Councils
8.5 Land Use
9. TRANSPORT
9.1 Public Transport
9.2 Private Transport
10. DEFENCE AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS
10.1 Defence
10.2 Foreign Affairs
11. ARTS AND CULTURE
12. SPORTS AND RECREATION
13. POPULATION POLICY
13.1 No more panicked intervention
13.2 Encouraging Parenthood
THE WAY AHEAD
1. INTRODUCTION
This booklet outlines the programme of the Workers' Party for the
next elections.
We have set out our stand in all important areas of government.
These are the policies that we will seek to implement. While we
will not hesitate to make the changes demanded by our vision of
a just and caring society we will also not act in haste. We recognise
the absolute importance of maintaining and increasing Singapore's
economic prosperity. In our considered view our policies will bring
economic growth, growth that will be meaningful to all our citizens.
Singapore has reached a stage of development where international
competitiveness is no longer guaranteed by labour discipline and
efficient management. We now have to compete in areas that require
innovation and creative thinking. In today's world political authoritarianism
is and will continue to be an obstacle to economic growth.
Political authoritarianism does not just harm our standard of living.
It also harms our quality of life. We need democracy and freedom
of expression for our full cultural, social and personal development.
Read on for an alternative to the PAP way of life, a way of life
which in our view depends on fear, a government afraid of the people,
a people afraid of the government.
Our alternative is built on hope, hope that we may become a just
and caring society.
You hold the future of Singapore in your hands.
1.1 Party Philosophy
· Government is instituted to secure for citizens freedom
and opportunity for their fullest growth as human beings
· Accordingly government must be democratically accountable
and no citizen may be denied the free exercise of his rights of
political participation
· Equality of opportunity requires that members of society
lucky enough to be born healthy or wealthy participate in systems
of education and health care that seek to give the disadvantaged
(the poor, the sick, the handicapped) a fair chance in life.
1.2 Style of Government
From this statement of our philosophy it follows that the Party
in government will act in consultation and partnership with all
citizens. The Party will actively seek and encourage participation
in the decision making process by every citizen through the publication
of government policy papers and the free availability of information.
Maximum opportunity will be provided for open discussion and debate
and for interested organisations to make their representations.
The Party, far from being afraid of criticism will recognise criticism
as a spur to greater achievement.
1.3 A Government of the People by the People for the People
It is not enough simply to state the Party's philosophy. You have
a right to know what this means in practice and how the Party proposes
to change the present structure of society. At present, the structure
is one of command from the top by those holding the reins of power
with hardly any accountability to the people. In a democratic society,
it is the people who are the masters and the government the servant.
Unfortunately in Singapore, ever since the PAP took office in 1959,
the government has been the master and the people the servants.
We have to change this and make A GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE BY THE
PEOPLE FOR THE PEOPLE, a fact and not just a catch-phrase. Our citizens
have been made to stand on their heads. The Party proposes to reverse
the PAP's structure so that the flow of command is from the citizens
to the government. The Party will write into the Constitution a
citizens charter as is found in some countries.
The Party therefore proposes:-
1. A new Constitution which will spell out in precise and unambiguous
terms the rights of the citizen with no saving clause for the government
to restrict or take away the rights except in national emergencies
declared at a special sitting of Parliament.
2. Writing into the new Constitution the universal franchise of
one-man-one-vote and lower the voting age to nineteen
3. Entrenching the above so that no change may be made except upon
a two-thirds majority vote of the voters taken upon a referendum
4. Setting up a Board of Equal Opportunities to ensure that the
articles in the Constitution against discrimination on account of
sex, ethnic origin, religious belief or wealth are strictly observed.

After 35 Years of 'Economic Growth' Under the P.A.P....
Cardboard collection: the old-age pension for our pioneers
2. ECONOMIC PROGRAMME
The Workers' Party is committed to the continuing economic prosperity
of Singapore. Singapore is blessed in our geographic location and
in our diverse linguistic heritage. We must maintain an open freetrade
economy which is not over-regulated and in which resources are allocated
by the market place. We must build on the solid base of our entrepot
trade and strive to achieve and maintain a competitive edge in manufacturing
and services. We must not be satisfied to be merely a "copying"
centre turning out products designed elsewhere but strive to become
a centre for research, innovation and design.
2.1 Minimum Conditions of Growth
2.1.1 The Party believes that wage increase must never outrun productivity
growth. We must not price ourselves out of international markets.
2.1.2 The Party will set up a costs saving committee to study the
administrative costs of government including salaries and allowances
of Ministers. There is no justification whatsoever for the salaries
now paid to Ministers and top civil servants. They are the highest
in the world and give the wrong signal to other employees. The cost
of governing Singapore with its population of 2.7 million is top-heavy
and the committee will be asked to report what savings can be made
without sacrificing the efficiency of the services provided by the
government. A top-heavy public sector is a drag on the economy.
2.1.3 The Party is committed to the political stability necessary
for a confident investment climate. However, the Party believes
that true political stability exists only where a country has developed
strong democratic institutions which ensure full accountability
of government to people and allow peaceful changes of government.
A government built on fear can never be stable. Foreign investors
are aware of this fact.
2.1.4 The Party believes that without freedom of information, Singapore
can never succeed as a financial, information, research, design
and publishing centre. Publishing is an example of a sector where
it is essential to have free access to information with no restrictions
on making information available to the public. The Party believes
that restrictions by the PAP government on information has hindered
Singapore's chances of establishing itself as a publishing centre.
There is an opportunity in this sector which we must not squander,
namely the relocation of publishers from Hong Kong in the run-up
to 1997.
2.1.5 The Party believes that without an educational system that
values independence of thought and creativity and one that seeks
to develop everyone's potential to the fullest (not just an allegedly
'genetically favoured' few) Singapore will stay stuck to low wage,
low value added manufacturing.
2.2 Sharing in the Fruits of Growth
2.2.1 The Party also believes that economic growth must be made
meaningful for every Singaporean including those of our people in
the lowest income group. We do not think it right to tolerate poverty
amidst affluence. The Party will not offer "handouts"
but the Party will structure our system especially our educational
system, to give that lowest income group a real opportunity to share
in the fruits of growth.
The Table below shows wages in Singapore. At June 1993, 66.24%
of employed persons earned less than $1500.00 per month. According
to the Department of Statistics a family of four in Singapore need
at least $1500.00 a month to afford the basic necessities of life.
An individual with a family of four earning less than $1500.00 a
month will need to work at another job or send a member of his family
to work in order to live.
GROSS MONTHLY INCOME OF EMPLOYEES AS AT JUNE 1993
| Gross Monthly Income |
Employed Persons
|
%
|
|
Under $400.00
$400.00 -- $599.00
$600.00 -- $799.00
$800.00 -- $999.00
$1,000.00 -- $1,499.00
|
145,000
135,000
210,000
220,000
345,000
|
9.10
8.47
13.19
13.81
21.67
|
Source: 1993 Singapore Yearbook of Labour Statistics
Note: The income is gross without deduction for CPF. A worker earning
$1,000.00 a month will take home only $800.00 a month.
Specific Measures
2.3 Taxation
The Party believes that in order to sustain acceptably high levels
of economic activity, the burden of taxation should be kept to a
minimum.
2.3.1 Personal Allowance
In 1947 the personal allowance was $3,000.00 per annum. Today, it
is still $3,000.00. It was $2,000.00 until recently after the Party's
constant calls for a revision. In addition, $1,000.00 is given as
earned income relief.
2.3.1.1 The Party proposes to raise personal allowance to $5,000.00.
Earned income relief will remain at $1,000.00
2.3.1.2 The Party proposes to raise the allowance for dependent
spouses (i.e. not just for wives as at present) to $2,000.00.
2.3.1.3 The Party proposes a child allowance of $1,000.00 per child
for children below six years of age and $2,000.00 for children between
six and sixteen with extensions for families whose children are
pursuing higher education. Child relief may be claimed only for
a maximum of four children and in addition only if the child is
not in receipt of a regular income in its own right, eg. Where the
child has obtained employment. In our considered view, the revenue
loss will not be great and the reduced burden of taxation will stimulate
economic activity increasing consumption and/or voluntary savings.
2.3.2 Third Child Tax Rebate
However, the Party proposes to abolish enhanced child relief and
special tax rebates. Given that there is a fixed cost element in
bringing up a child (food, clothing, etc.) this rebate acts as an
incentive to produce babies only for people paying larger amounts
of tax. As such, it is the backdoor to creating a graduate motherhood
elite. It is fairer to raise child allowances. When the Party abolishes
this tax rebate, the Party will take into account the people who
have relied on this rebate and have had a third child. The abolition
of these rebates will partially offset any revenue loss from increasing
personal allowances.
2.3.3 Estate Duty
The Party will also revise the existing rates of Estate Duty for
larger estates. Whilst the Party believes that it is right that
small estates should not be taxed heavily, there is no justification
for allowing larger estates to pay minimal duty.
2.3.4 Capital Gains Tax
The Party will study the desirability of introducing Capital Gains
Tax on sales of private properties. Such a tax is imposed in a number
of counties and will help to keep out speculation in properties
which result in property prices shooting up. Many Singaporeans find
purchase of properties they consider desirable beyond their means
as a result of speculation by foreign buyers and wealthy Singaporeans.
2.3.5 No Other New Measures
The Party considers that there will be no need to introduce other
revenue gathering measures.
2.3.5.1 The Party will abolish the Goods & Services Tax imposed
by this government from 1 April 1994. The Party had voiced its opposition
to the tax and called for a referendum. The PAP government completely
ignored the Party's call. The tax has resulted in undue hardship
on the lower income sector of our society which sector is the largest
sector. The tax has also affected the business sector and impaired
economic growth. The only people who have benefited are the high
earners who pay less income tax.
2.4 Central Provident Fund
The Party notes that Singapore's extremely high forced savings rate
and the diversion of those savings only into non-productive assets
in Singapore such as housing or into investments aboard contributed
to the severity of the recession in 1985. The Party thinks that
it will be a mistake, having removed the stone weights from a drowning
man, to replace those weights once the man has surfaced and recovered
his breath.
2.4.1 Accordingly, the Party proposes a rate of 35% coming equally
(17.5%: 17.5%) from employers and employees. Such a rate should
allow a sufficient sum to be built up to protect our citizens in
old age.
2.4.2 There should be a right to full withdrawal at the age of
55. The CPF money belongs to our citizens and they should not be
told that only the government knows how to look after their money.
If persons continue to work beyond 55 years (and the Party believes
that the retirement age can and should be raised to 60 years), then
whether or not he employer is to make CPF payments, increase the
employee's take home pay or do neither (the last alternative may
encourage the employer to retain his employee) that should be a
matter for bargaining between the employee and/or his union and
the employer.
2.4.3 In the long run the Party will consider converting the fund
into an old-age pension scheme for all citizens regardless of whether
they were employed or not. This clearly needs a thorough study of
the schemes operating in other countries and the Party will undertake
such a study.
2.5 Labour and Trade Unions
The Party is committed to responsible trade unionism. Trade unions
must never be so powerful as to promote sectional interests at the
expense of the rest of society. However, responsibility must not
be confused with subservience. Trade unions must protect their members'
interests and not be just another instrument of government control.
The Party will free trade unions from government control and the
Trade Unions Act will be amended so that all trade union officials
must be democratically elected. Trade unions along with professional
bodies will be empowered to express their views and take appropriate
action on matters that concern the nation and not confined solely
to labour relations.
2.5.1 Labour Relations
The Party is committed to amending the Employment Act, the Industrial
Relations Act and the Trade Disputes Act legislating so as to ensure:-
2.5.1.1 protection against unfair dismissal. A tribunal will be
appointed with power to order re-instatement in appropriate cases
and compensation in other cases.
2.5.1.2 Consultation by employers with unions where redundancies
are planned;
2.5.1.3 Payment of statutory redundancy pay even in the absence
of a redundancy agreement between union and employer;
2.5.1.4 Union representation on all issues affecting employees
including terms of employment and conditions of work.
2.5.2 Profit Sharing
2.5.2.1 The party believes that to enable us to maintain international
competitiveness wage increases should not outrun productivity growth.
The Party further believes that wages should have a flexible element
linked to the profitability of the company. In its 1976 Programme,
the Party stated that it would "guide employers to work towards
a system of profit sharing and equity participation with employees".
In the light of that statement, the Party welcomes the NWC proposal
on flexible wages but notes difficulties in its implementation.
Unions must be free to exercise vigilance in ensuring that the productivity
level and/or profitability of any company is not disguised or interpreted
to the benefit of employers alone. There is a danger that flexible
wages may mean that the employees take the strain in bad times,
but the employer takes the profit in good times
2.5.2.2 Companies will be encouraged (but not coerced) to afford
their employees a greater say in corporate decision-making. If employees'
wages are linked to company profitability (i.e. employees are required
to share the risk of the entrepreneurial function) employees should
be given greater responsibility in the decision making process of
entrepreneurial risk-taking.
2.6 Local Entrepreneurs
The Party is committed to fostering an innovative entrepreneurial
spirit among Singaporeans. It is essential for our future prosperity
that we are able to grasp the opportunities offered by the industries
of the future. We must educate our children to be creative and to
think independently. We must allow out businessmen full access to
information relevant to business decisions. We must keep open two-way
channels of communication between business and government. Government
policy must be clear and not subject to frequent shifts and changes.
We must ensure not only that there is no copy-right and patent protection
for ideas but also that there is the academic freedom that is essential
for research and development. We must put a stop to the paranoia
of a government frightened of criticism.
2.6.1 The Party is committed to maintaining and expanding the role
of the EDB in providing loans and other assistance to local businessmen.
2.6.2 The Party believes that the private sector has been adversely
affected by past and present policies for statutory boards and other
government agencies to seek profit-maximization. While the Party
does not advocate subsidies in the provision of utilities and other
goods nonetheless statutory boards and other government agencies
should see their role as public service and not private profit-making.
Savings from improved efficiency and productivity or lower input
costs should be passed on to consumers. Otherwise Singapore's cost
competitiveness will be adversely affected.
2.6.3 Also essential for cost competitiveness is keeping the public
sector trim and efficient. The costs saving committee (2.1.2) is
one of the Party's measures to achieve this. In addition the Party
will revise the fees presently charged by the government and statutory
boards for services and licences.
2.6.4 The Party further believes that because the private sector
is a necessary engine of growth, measures must be taken to ensure
that the public sector does not crowd out local entrepreneurs through
unfair competition.
2.6.5 In particular one measure that can be taken immediately is
to end the monopoly of our best-educated younger citizens by the
public sector through scholarships that direct scholars into non
productive areas including such branches of the Civil Service as
the Internal Security Department. Perhaps one half or more of these
scholarships could be replaced by bonds to work (anywhere) in Singapore
for a specified period, perhaps a period double that operates for
the remaining public sector scholarships.
2.6.6 In general we must seek to reduce the dependent mentality
of Singaporeans, the lack of independence and self reliance that
makes Singaporeans good sound managers but poor innovators and risk-takers.
3. GOVERNMENT AND CIVIL LIBERTIES
3.0 The Constitution should be the supreme law of Singapore. It
should guarantee to every citizen his social and political rights,
e.g. freedom from arbitrary arrest and freedom of speech. It should
provide for the Rule of Law that is procedurally just (i.e. law
that is clear and unambiguous, made public, of general and non discriminatory
application and administered fairly) as well as substantially just
(i.e. law that does not violate the basic rights of citizens).
3.0.1 The Constitution, however, can only remain our safeguard
if it is defended from attacks on it. In a democratic society the
defenders of the Constitution are firstly the people themselves
and secondly the institutions of a free society, notably Parliament,
and the courts, and to a lesser extent a free and independent Press
and the Trade Union movement.
3.0.2 Unfortunately because the PAP has had a two-thirds majority
from the time the party became the government, which has enabled
them to change the Constitution at will, and because the PAP has
never observed the spirit of the Constitution, we have achieved
in Singapore a unique system, an elective dictatorship. The only
element of parliamentary democracy that remains in Singapore is
five yearly elections.
3.1 Parliament as a Check on Executive Power
The Party therefore will act to strengthen the institutions that
are the foundations of a free society. In the belief that it is
not too late to save Singapore, the Workers' Party proposes the
following measures:-
3.1.1 The Party will strengthen the role of Parliament as a check
on executive power and not merely a body whose "efficiency"
is measured by the speed with which it passes legislation proposed
by the executive. The Party will do away with non-elected seats
(NCMP, NMP) in Parliament. There is no place for them in Parliament
elected by the people. The Party will also abolish GRCs.
3.1.2 The Party will amend the Parliament (Privileges, Immunities
and Powers) Act to ensure full freedom of speech in Parliament in
order to safeguard the role of back-bench and opposition members
in scrutinising and challenging legislation and in questioning and
holding to account Ministers for executive action:
3.1.3 The Party will ensure Select Committees (which scrutinise
major Bills placed before Parliament) are drawn from both government
and opposition MPs;
3.1.4 The Party will set up departmental committees (drawn from
both government and opposition) on the lines of the Departmental
Committees set up by the U K House of Commons in 1979. These committees
operate as a watchdog on ministerial action in selected areas and
will have powers to summon Ministers and civil servants to explain
any decision or expenditure and to report to Parliament. These committees
would replace the toothless Government Parliamentary Committees
which only institutionalise the sounding out of ruling party back-benchers
by government Ministers.
3.1.5 The Party will appoint a Parliamentary Commissioner (Ombudsman)
with statutory powers to investigate complaints from citizens (directed
through Members of Parliament) that their civil rights have been
overlooked or neglected by a department of the civil service or
any other government agency including statutory boards. The Parliamentary
Commissioner would be required to report to Parliament any complaint
that is substantiated. The Constitutional Commission in 1966 had
recommended the appointment of an Ombudsman but the PAP have never
implemented the recommendation.
3.2 Executive President
The Party will seek to repeal the provisions in the Constitution
giving executive powers to the President. The Party is totally committed
to the supremacy of Parliament as the only representatives of the
people and the government accountable fully only to Parliament.
Under the PAP's plan, the President will exercise executive powers
without any accountability to Parliament.
3.3 Civil Service and Grassroots Organisations
The Party will ensure the neutrality and independence of the civil
service and grassroots organisations. The most obvious manifestation
of the erosion of this neutrality is the frequent forays into the
political arena by press secretaries writing letters to local and
foreign press. The neutrality of the civil service and grassroots
organisation is essential to the social fabric of Singapore. A politicised
civil service makes thinking the right political thoughts a must
for everyone who comes into contact with government. Politicised
grassroots organisations prevent the growth and flourishing of community
spirit.
3.4 Minority Rights
The Party will restructure the Presidential Commission on Minority
Rights to make it more effective and representative of the minority
communities by appointing solely leaders from the communities and
excluding persons holding public office.
3.5 Citizens' Rights
The Party will where necessary introduce legislation to enforce
and safeguard citizens' rights granted by the Constitution.
3.5.1 The Party will remove all restrictions on professional bodies
from commenting on any decisions of the government or any proposed
legislation. Insofar as an individual has a right to speak freely,
that right includes asking someone else to speak on your behalf
and/or joining others in speaking out. The PAP amended the Legal
Profession Act to stop the Law Society from making its views known
after the Society criticised the Bill to restrict circulation of
foreign papers.
3.5.2 The Party will repeal the provisions in the Internal Security
Act providing for detention without trial. Detention without an
order of a legally constituted court after a fair trial is a negation
of the Rule of Law and an obstacle to the growth of democracy. Whilst
it may be necessary in time of great danger to the nation, it is
an aberration at other times and the provision of the power to detain
without trial is a blot on democracy.
3.5.3 The Party will review the law on public order and police
licensing of assemblies. The law on public order should require
that the police give one of a number of statutorily defined grounds
as the reason for refusing a licence for an assembly; the decision
of the police should be fully appealable to the High Court and compensation
should be payable if the police unreasonably refuse a licence. Political
parties should not be required to obtain a licence for public meetings
or processions.
3.5.4 The Party will lift controls on local newspapers, encourage
competition and will amend the Newspapers and Printing Presses Act
accordingly;
3.5.5 The Party will remove the power of the Minister to restrict
the local circulation of foreign newspapers. This power not only
damages the rights of Singaporeans in political participation but
also undermines investors' confidence and deprives financiers and
businessmen of vital information and analysis especially when it
is exercised against financial newspapers like the Asian Wall Street
Journal.
3.5.6 The Party will place TV and radio broadcasting stations under
a statutory duty to provide a balanced reporting on political issues
and personalities and to accord a right of reply.
3.6 Independent Elections Commission
The Party will set up an Independent Elections Commission with all
the responsibilities for the conduct of elections at present exercised
by the Prime Minister. The responsibilities will include the drawing
of boundaries and determining the number and size of constituencies.
The Chairman of the Commission will be appointed after consultation
with active political parties and the Commission shall be required
to consult all such parties on all matters concerning and affecting
elections and their conduct.
3.7 Conclusion
In general the constitutional arrangements of our society must ensure
the openness and accountability of government to people. This requires
not merely the specific measures outlined above but also the whole
hearted commitment of every citizen to participating in political
decision making.

After 35 Years of 'Economic Growth' Under the P.A.P.
The begging bowl...
4. JUSTICE, LAW AND ORDER
The Party believes that the maintenance of law and order is the
first priority of any government. However, order must be secured
by the Rule of Law, rules applicable to everyone and administered
justly, so that every citizen may plan his life without any fear
under the law. Therefore, law enforcement agencies of the government
and government departments must also strictly act within the law
in dealing with citizens. The Party will take the necessary steps
to ensure this. The Party will also seek to educate citizens on
their rights under the law by instituting a programme of lectures
at community centres on citizens' rights and on the steps they should
take to protect their rights and secure all their benefits and entitlements
under the law. It is proposed that the lectures should be given
by practising lawyers.
4.1 Administration of Justice
The Party believes that the impartial administration of justice
by a judiciary, not only independent but manifestly seen to be independent
of the Executive is the main pillar of stable society. The party
also believes that recourse by citizens to remedy any grievance
should be made as simple and cheap as possible. The Party will immediately
seek to review the fees that are now charged for proceedings in
the courts. The present fees may prevent the lower income sector
from seeking remedies from the courts. Justice must be available
to all regardless of wealth.
4.1.1 The Party will re-introduce jury trial for the serious criminal
offences. This is proposed if only because it gives the citizen
a part in the administration of justice and makes the citizen responsible
along with the government for maintaining law and order in the society.
4.1.2 The Party will create a Judicial Service separate from the
Legal Service for judicial officers in the Subordinate Courts and
exclude members of the Executive from the Commission responsible
for their career or their advancement.
4.1.3 The Party will amend the Constitution by removing the present
provisions for the appointment of Judges and Judicial Commissioners
for fixed terms by the Prime Minister. The Party will consider raising
the retirement age for Judges to 70;
4.1.4 The Party will abolish the right of the Public Prosecutor
to appeal when an accused person has been acquitted on the merits
by a court. The Public Prosecutor's right to refer questions of
law to an appellate court will be continued;
4.1.5 The Party considers that the present provisions for appeals
in criminal cases are inadequate, particularly for cases heard in
the Subordinate Courts. The Party's view is that there should be
a two-tier appeal in criminal cases which affect the liberty of
the citizens. The present provision whereunder appeals from the
Subordinate Courts are heard by a single Judge with no statutory
right of further appeal is totally inadequate and may work towards
injustice. The party thinks a two-tier appeal should also be introduced
for criminal cases heard in the High Court but subject to certain
restrictions, eg. Only on points of law with the leave of the second
appellate court.
4.1.6 The Party will improve the efficiency and increase the scope
of legal aid in civil cases;
4.1.7 The Party will bring into force the statutory criminal legal
aid scheme (passed before the PAP came into power but as yet not
brought into force) to replace the present voluntary legal aid scheme
run by the Law Society. The Law Society scheme is very narrow in
scope (because of lack of funding: it receives no money from the
government). A statutory scheme could allow for graduated contributions
(i.e. the scheme could require applicants to pay a proportion of
the legal fees determined by reference to their means) instead of,
as under the Law Society scheme, free legal aid if the means test
is passed and no legal aid if the means test is not passed. Legal
aid should be part of society's duty to its members and should not
simply be private charity volunteered by lawyers.
4.1.8 The Party will consider establishing a fund to compensate
defendants acquitted on the merits (and not on technical grounds).
Any system for the administration of justice should recognise that
mistakes can be made. Accordingly, an acquitted person should be
given compensation if he has been held in remand awaiting trial.
It is irrelevant whether or not the prosecution thought they had
a good cause. The money is compensation by the state and not in
any sense a mark of disapproval against the prosecution.
4.1.9 The Party proposes to set up a special court staffed by a
mature judge to hear cases that arise within families, including
maintenance for wives and children. The party will introduce measures
to combat the battering of wives and the abuse of children and the
judge will be given extensive powers to deal with this problem.
The measures will ensure that wives subjected to battery will obtain
speedy and adequate protection and not made to depend on junior
officers in the police.
4.2 Law
4.2.1 The Party believes that the width of powers exercised in Singapore
by the Executive is excessive. This practice should not only be
ended but the citizen should be provided with a right of appeal
from the decision of a Minister. The Parliamentary Commissioner
would go a long way to meet this.
4.2.2 The Party intends to set up an Administrative Tribunal staffed
by independent persons to hear appeals from decisions of the Executive
from citizens who complain that their social and economic rights
have been denied by the Executive or that they have not had a fair
hearing. Further the codification of administrative law and procedure
should be considered in order to provide effective means of controlling
abuses of Executive power. The Party will introduce legislation
to require the Executive to give reasons for their decisions in
matters affecting citizens and to ensure that he citizen, aggrieved
by a decision, is supplied with adequate information in order to
challenge that decision if it is procedurally or substantively illegal.
4.2.3 The Party considers that it is desirable to introduce a Freedom
of Information Act for the purpose of providing citizens with more
control over the conduct of their own lives within the law. The
Party will undertake a study of such legislation in other countries.
4.3 Order
4.3.1 The Party will uphold and maintain the operational effectiveness
of the police. Adequate resources will be given to the police to
fight crime. One area is to provide specialised training for Police
Officers investigating crimes. At present the investigation capabilities
of police officers suffer from an over-eagerness to obtain confessions
from accused persons to spare themselves any independent parallel
investigations.
4.3.2 The Party intends to appoint a Commission on Justice to look
into the powers of the police in the investigation of crime. There
is a real danger that the present powers given to the police and
the methods employed may result in miscarriages of justice.
4.3.3 The Party will examine whether in the context of today, it
is any longer necessary to continue detaining suspected criminals
without producing them in court. This law, the Criminal Law (Temporary
Provisions) Act was introduced to combat secret societies that were
rife in the sixties. It was intended to be temporary but the PAP
have continued it. This detention is again a negotiation of the
Rule of Law and its use in any form has to be thoroughly justified
and subject to adequate safeguards to ensure that the police do
not see it as a convenient way of locking up people who they think
are engaged in criminal activities.
4.3.4 The Party will continue and strengthen efforts to build community
spirit and public confidence in the police. However, part of having
confidence in the police comes from knowing that police discipline
is strict and there is an efficient and effective procedure for
redress where the police abuse their powers. The Party will set
up watch committees in all police divisions independent of the police
and drawn from citizens living within the division to investigate
complaints of abuse, particularly violence, by police officers exercising
their powers.
4.3.5 In Singapore our punishments are harsh and our prison population
is large compared to many countries. Hitherto our system has assumed
that deterrence is the only answer to crime. The Party will review
this question and consider increasing the role of non-custodial
sentences in rehabilitating people convicted of crime.
4.3.6 Under our law at present, the discretion of the convicting
court in assessing the proper sentence in any case has been greatly
reduced by the provision of mandatory sentences for many crimes.
The Party is of the view that this is wrong as it detracts from
the independence of the courts in their function. The courts must
have full sentencing discretion and the Party will introduce legislation
to restore this discretion to the courts except where the public
interest demands only one sentence. The Party will actively encourage
public discussion on punishment.
4.3.7 The Party will also review the whole question of caning.
4.3.8 The victims of crime in Singapore are not sufficiently considered.
An immediate measure that the Party proposes is to set up a state
funded Board to offer compensation to the victims of violent crimes.
This would supplement and not replace any court orders for compensation
of a particular victim by the assailant of the victim.
5. EDUCATION
5.1 A System that Lags Behind
Singapore's education system lags behind those of many other countries.
5.2 PAP Aims
The real problem is the PAP's attitude towards the educational system.
The PAP have designed the system to achieve three things.
5.2.1 A grading system to separate those who can learn from those
who allegedly cannot. Whilst the Party recognises the need for grading,
it should not be implemented to produce forced "dropouts"
from schools. The PAP's scientifically specious views about genetic
selection and inheritance have influenced the design of the system
(eg, streaming at an early age) so as to reinforce the PAP assumption
that generally speaking poor people must produce stupid children.
5.2.2 A system for allocating manpower resources according to projected
economic needs. Of course, manpower planning must take place at
the macro level but such a system should not deny students who can
take advantage of further education. We should seek to maximise
what our people can achieve.
5.2.3 A system that does not give its products too high expectations
nor too great an ability to think. In the PAP's view, conformity
is the supreme value.
5.3 Workers' Party Philosophy
Things must change. And change must begin with a new philosophy
of education.
5.3.1 An educational system must assume that most children can
learn. When they do not, then this shows that the system is not
working, and when, as in Singapore, it is the children of lower
income families who perform worst in school, we must structure the
system to provide remedial classes that target their learning problems
at the earliest age, and not label them as genetically inferior
and stream them out.
5.3.2 There must be something wrong with our education is schools
if a large number of students have to resort to tuition outside
the school to get their education. This places a great strain on
the lower income group.
5.3.3 Singapore's future depends on our citizens being equipped
for a new environment of "higher-value added" occupations.
If we educate people to think, give them computing and design skills,
then they will power our economy forward. We should not say that
our economy in ten year's time will require X% of manual workers,
therefore we must not educate too many people too highly. If we
do that, then we will have a sluggish economy.
5.3.4 That same environment will require Singaporeans to be broadly
educated, creative and independent in thought. If they can be so,
then Singaporeans will not only be able to grasp opportunities as
and when they arise and adjust flexibly to new situations but they
will also be able to create new opportunities for themselves and
our nation.
5.3.5 Education is not merely a means to an end. It is an end in
itself: the fullest development of our citizens as human beings.
Specific Proposals
5.4 Basic Education
In our 1988 manifesto, we outlined the proposals below. We feel
a certain sense of satisfaction that the government have adopted
some of our proposals.
5.4.1 The Party proposes to appoint a commission to inquire into
the purpose and goal of education. The Commission will be required
to receive representations from parents and others concerned with
education and to recommend a basic education system, the content
thereof and the length of education. In the Party's manifesto for
1988, the Party had proposed for our children to have a basic education
up to the age of 15 or 16 and this would appear to have been accepted
by the government. There is also the question whether education
should be made compulsory.
5.4.2 There should not be "ability" streaming as practised
in the present educational system. An American educationalist called
Dominick Esposito writing in the 1973 Review of Educational Research
at pp 163-179 reviewed research into streaming in the United States
during the 1960s and early 1970 and concluded that streaming aggravated
social and economic differences between children and is of no demonstrable
value in the teaching and learning process. None of this research
appears to have been cited to the Goh Keng Swee Committee of system
engineers.
5.4.3 Poor learners should be targeted at an early age as a special
responsibility of the system. Remedial classes and adequate resources
should be provided to achieve this end.
5.4.4 There should be greater independence within the system so
that that initiative of principals, teachers and parents can be
tapped to achieve schools that are more diverse and provide, among
other things, a more creative learning environment.
5.4.5 Schools should be single session all day instead of two sessions
of morning and afternoon school.
5.4.6 Class sizes should be reduced to an optimum level of about
20. This will enable teachers to assess individual needs more easily
(and therefore recognise and help poor learners earlier) as well
as enabling teachers to spend less time on administrative and disciplinary
tasks and more time teaching.
5.4.7 Teachers must be given the status that their responsibility
deserves. In particular, in our degree conscious society, the present
4-year course for primary school teachers at the Institute of Education
should be upgraded into a Bachelor Education degree course.
5.4.8 The Party is concerned about the cost to parents to educate
their children. The Party proposes to exempt families with a total
income of $1,500.00 or less from the payment of any fees for their
children's education in schools. The Party would also consider payment
of a children's allowance to such families to be used for the children's
education in the purchase of books and teaching aids.
5.5 Streaming
At the age of 15 or 16, there should be a division into vocational
institutes, polytechnics, junior colleges and Pre-U centres. The
major difference is that children would enter vocational institutes
only after the end of a common basic education.
5.6 University Education
Access to university must be substantially improved. The following
measures are proposed.
5.6.1 University education must teach students to think independently
and also encourage them to take an interest in disciplines outside
their own. The Party is concerned at the constraint on academic
freedom in the University and will remove such constraints where
they hinder the growth of independent thinking. Conformity should
not be the order of the day and both the NUS and NTU should be freed
from petty government control.
5.6.2 The number of university places should be increased substantially.
There are many Singaporeans who cannot enter the National University
of Singapore. Those who can afford to do so go abroad and when they
return compete effectively with NUS graduates. Others cannot afford
to go abroad. Clearly this shows that there are people in Singapore
who can benefit from university education who do no not have the
opportunity to do so.
5.6.3 Tuition fees must be kept to a minimum. Otherwise even the
provision of 'soft' loans to poorer students will not stop them
from being deterred from taking up a place at the university.
5.7 Adult Education
Adult Education at all levels (technical and Professional) should
be firmly encouraged. In particular, the role of the EDB and ITE
in partnership with the SDF, as a source of funding, should be expanded
to help individual employers train and retrain their employees and
also help establish and improve industry-wide training schemes.
5.8 Independent Schools
The Party recognises the natural desire of parents to give their
children the best possible education. The Party recognises the right
of parents to send their children to the schools of their choice.
The Party also recognises, as noted at 5.4.4 that greater diversity
is desirable. However, the Party believes that such diversity can
and should be achieved within the State system and not outside it.
The Party is also concerned that Independent Schools should not
draw away and acquire a monopoly on the best talent and resources
in the community. The Party is further worried that Independent
Schools will worsen the present weighting of educational resources
towards children from higher income backgrounds. The Party, therefore,
although it does not reject Independent Schools, will strive to
ensure that children in State schools receive an education that
will enable them to compete fully with children from Independent
Schools.
6. HEALTH CARE
6.1 Medisave - A System in Collapse
6.1.1 Medisave is not the answer to the very real problem that our
low income citizens face in paying for their health care. The system
is nothing more than a way of shirking society's responsibility
but ensuring on the other hand that hospital fees and charges are
collected without the odium of taking to court those who are unable
to pay for their bills. Every individual has to pay out of his own
savings further depleting monies available for old age. The PAP's
philosophy is that the government should be responsible only for
preventive measures and health education and that health care should
be left to the private sector. As a result practically all hospitals
have been privatised leading to escalating health costs without
any concern for the majority of our people. The PAP's oft repeated
claim that health costs are affordable is simply not true for our
people earning less than $1,000.00 a month. Before 1998 it was reported
that about 200 Singaporeans died every year from kidney failure
because they could not pay for the cost of dialysis. No figures
are available on how many Singaporeans now die every year from kidney
failure because they cannot pay for dialysis treatment.
To refute the PAP's claim that health costs are affordable we have
only to look at a case in point. The wife a couple both well over
70years and not in receipt of any regular income had to enter Alexandra
Hospital, a hospital which has all the appearance of being run down.
She was in and out of the hospital a number of times before she
died. She was in a ward with at least 5 others. The hospital billed
them more than $3400.00 for a total of 38days the wife had stayed
in the hospital. This works out to almost $90.00 a day and this
is what the PAP calls affordable for a couple well over 70 years
old and dependent on whatever their children can give them to live
on. They have no monies in the CPF.
6.1.2 Medisave and Medishield are not the answer to the problem
of escalating health costs brought about by the privatisation of
health care. A system designed for the main purpose of ensuring
that hospitals collect their charges will not solve the problem
for the majority of our people who find the cost of health care
beyond their reach. The escalating health costs will affect the
economy of the country. To maintain economic progress our people
who contribute in a large measure to our economic growth - our workers
- must be relieved of the anxiety over the cost of health care for
themselves and their families. Common sense will tell us that if
workers are unable to maintain their health and the health of their
families their performance will suffer and with that productivity.
A healthy nation is a prosperous nation.
6.2 The Workers' Party Alternative
The Party proposes to phase out the Medisave Scheme as soon as possible
and implement instead a comprehensive public health insurance scheme.
The Party recognises that Singaporeans should be free to choose
to pay more for private health care but at the same time firmly
believes that government must be responsible for ensuring a firm
bedrock of public health care that adequately meets the needs of
all Singaporeans, particularly those who have low income. The details
of insurance claims (what its scope should be/whether there should
be different classes of care within the public health care system/how
the scheme will interact with private health care, etc.) can only
be fully worked out once the Party is elected. The Party will study
schemes in operation in other countries and learn from their experience.
A comprehensive health insurance scheme has the following advantages
over the Medisave scheme.
6.2.1 Public health insurance will cover all treatment, including
treatment of outpatients at clinics.
6.2.2 Allocation of medical resources by need rather than by ability
to pay will be achieved because of the administrative control inherent
in a public health care system
6.2.3 Sharing the burden of health care. This will result in lower
individual contributions. Being forced to save in advance an amount
which would meet one's own health needs, if one is not catastrophically
ill, means that one will either save too little or too much for
one's actual health needs. And one will never see the excess money
(if there is an excess rather than a shortfall) again in one's lifetime.
In contrast a health insurance scheme means one will pay contributions
proportionate to total health care costs and use exactly how much
health care one needs.
6.2.4 Keeping total medical costs down will be achieved by administrative
control eg. Over salaries, which make up about 80% of expenditure
on health. Contrast Britain and the USA. Britain has a National
Health Service. The USA had a pay for yourself private health care
system. In 1982 a comparison of 10 western countries was undertaken.
The USA was the second highest spender per capita but had the second
worst health (measured by a number of indices). Britain was the
lowest spender per capita yet had the fourth best health.
6.3 Interim Measures
Prior to the implementation of a public health care insurance scheme,
the Party will take the following immediate measures.
6.3.1 The Party will improve the quality of health care in Class
C wards and drastically reduce the fees. The Party will additionally
increase the provision of Class C beds because the demand for them
appears to exist.
6.3.2 The Party will reduce fees for outpatient treatment and allow
monies in Medisave accounts to be used for this purpose.
6.4 Convalescent Homes
The Party also proposes to set up convalescent homes for those who
can be discharged from hospital but still cannot be adequately looked
after at home. This need is particularly relevant among poor families
who cannot afford to employ live-in or visiting nurses.
7. SOCIAL JUSTICE
The Party's philosophy is that of a caring society and the Party
is aware that the touch-stone of this philosophy will be seen in
how the Party cares for the members of our society who are in need
of care. An immediate problem will be to assess the needs of all
in need of care and the Party will embark upon this study immediately.
7.1 Public Assistance Allowance
The present rates of public assistance of
$155-00 for a single person
$240-00 for 2-persons household
$355-00 for 3-persons household (2 adults + 1 child)
$420-00 for 4-persons household (2 adults + 2 children)
are in the Party's view completely unrealistic and indeed derisory.
The Party proposes to revise the allowances to more realistic amounts.
The Party, will, however, continue the policy of ensuring those
paid public assistance (which are subsistence allowances from taxpayers'
monies) are not in receipt of any adequate income on their own and
need public assistance to live. The Party will ensure that there
is no abuse of public assistance and that public assistance is not
looked upon as dole for the indolent.
7.2 Care of the Aged and Infirm
7.2.1 The Party proposes to halt the almost criminal neglect by
the government of its responsibility for the care of the aged generally
and particularly for those who are chronically ill in old age and
are bedridden without support care from relatives. In poor families,
the families are simply unable to provide the care. There is an
acute shortage of beds available in homes for the chronic sick and
bedridden. The Party will ensure that all who are in need of such
care and who cannot be taken care of by relatives will be properly
taken care of and for this purpose provide an adequate availability
of homes for the aged sick and bedridden.
7.2.2 The Party will continue to welcome and encourage help from
voluntary organisations in sharing with the government the responsibility
for the care of our aged sick. The Party will render every assistance
to voluntary organisations that are involved in the work of caring
for those members of our society who through no fault of their own
are simply unable to take care of themselves.
7.2.3 The Party will raise the standard of care that is now provided
in the Homes run by the government.
7.3 Care of the Handicapped
7.3.1 The Party proposes to halt the criminal neglect by the government
of the handicapped members of our society. The Party believes that
government as an agent of society has a special responsibility to
help the handicapped to lead lives that are as full as possible
and integrated with the rest of the community.
7.3.2 Special attention will be paid to the education, training
for employment and the transport needs of the handicapped. An instance
of the criminal neglect of this government is the absence of proper
teaching facilities and adequate trained staff for the education
of the handicapped children are who educable.
7.3.3 The Party does not wish to minimise the contribution that
has been made by voluntary organisations in the care of the handicapped
and are extremely grateful to them. The Party hopes they will continue
to work alongside the government so that the handicapped no longer
feel that Society has passed them by.
8. HOUSING
8.1 Review of Prices
The Party will immediately undertake a study to review the purchase
prices and rentals of HDB commercial rentals in line with our stated
principle that while there should be no subsidies, the objective
of a statutory board like HDB should be public service and not profit
maximisation. The Party proposes to appoint a Commission to look
into all these related questions and to report to the government.
The Party is especially concerned to see that public housing is
brought within the means of the majority of our citizens without
it becoming a strain on their finances and depleting the provision
for old age.
8.2 Rental Flats
The Party proposes to make available a sufficient number of flats
for rental and not confined only to one or two room flats for families
who simply cannot afford to purchase the flats. The present practice
of forcing families to purchase flats will be discouraged.
8.3 Management of Estates
Another major challenge confronting Singaporeans in this area is
the management of existing and future public housing estates. There
are two questions. How do we foster community spirit and neighbourliness?
What mechanisms should we have to investigate and remedy residents'
grievances?
8.3.1 Community spirit
One important reason why community spirit is lacking is because
residents feel that the community organisations are PAP tools. This
must be changed. The Party proposes the following measures:-
8.3.1.1 The organisations should be detached from the Prime Minister's
Office;
8.3.1.2 Neither government MPs nor opposition MPs should be 'advisors'
to the organisations;
8.3.1.3 Opposition MPs should not be excluded from using facilities
(e.g. community centres) under the organisations' control;
8.3.1.4 Advice and financial budgeting should come directly from
the Ministry of Community Development;
8.3.1.5 Officials of community organisations should be elected
by residents. Such elections should not take place on party line
i.e. party symbols/involvement would be forbidden;
8.3.1.6 Guidelines as to the proper and non-political activities
of the organisation should be issued.
8.3.2 Residents' grievances
Four measures are proposed to give residents more control over HDB
decision-making that affects them.
8.3.2.1 The Party will examine the existing provisions in the Act
and Regulations with the aim of reducing the number of grounds on
which the HDB may evict "home-owners";
8.3.2.2 The Party will set up an independent housing tribunal at
which the HDB will have to prove its case before eviction or imposition
of other penalties. The present provisions in the Act that enable
the HDB to repossess flats without taking action before a court
to re-possess will be repealed. A limited right of appeal to the
High Court (e.g. on questions of law) will be provided but only
where the tribunal orders eviction;
8.3.2.3 Appoint a Housing Commissioner - a person wholly and completely
distinct from the proposed Parliamentary Commissioner (see 3.1.5)
- with statutory powers to receive complaints from tenants and owners
and to investigate those complaints. His brief will be wide covering
matters such as siting of rubbish dumps, maintenance of estates,
traffic noise as well as oppressive behaviour by HDB officers towards
particular tenants and owners. His report on any matter will go
to the Minister of National Developments and also be laid before
parliament;
8.3.2.4 Encourage the setting up of tenants (term to include flat
owners) associations to consider and make representations as to
the needs of the tenants and as to maintenance in housing estates.
The Party will also consider enlarging Board of Members on the HDB
to include person or persons nominated by the tenants associations.
8.4 Town Councils
The Party will review the present powers and functions of Town Councils.
At present Town Councils function simply to maintain the cleanliness
of housing estates and to provide amenities. To do the latter the
Town Councils are dependent on the grassroots organisations approving
their plans and after them the Minister for National Development.
This is an unnecessary limitation on the powers of Town Councils.
The Party will study the setting up of elected District Councils
which will take in the constituencies in the district with wider
powers, not only in the maintenance of housing estates but also
in areas of hawker licensing and control over hawkers, provision
of car parks and traffic control in consultation with the Traffic
Police and provision of playing fields for recreation. This is in
line with the Party's philosophy that the people should have more
say in matters that concern them in the areas where they live.
8.5 Land Use
The Party considers that the PAP government has abused the intent
and purpose of the Land Acquisition Act.
Section 5 of the Act which declares when land may be acquired is
far too wide and has enabled the government to acquire land from
citizens only to sell them again at inflated prices. The PAP government
has acquired land in excess of what is required. The Party proposes
to restrict the purposes for which land may be acquired.
The provision in the Constitution requiring payment of reasonable
compensation which the PAP government abolished when it took office
will be restored.
9. TRANSPORT
9.1 Public Transport
9.1.1 The Party recognises that a great majority of our workers
and employees depend on public transport to go to their places of
work. Public transport for this reason must be convenient, reliable
and more importantly cheap, particularly if workers are to be persuaded
that wages must be held down and not outstrip productivity.
9.1.2 The Party believes that public transport should be regarded
as a service to the community and not as a profit oriented business
operation seeking to maximise profits. Savings brought about by
increased efficiency and productivity should be passed on to the
consumers. The Party is not proposing any subsidy for public transport
but that every effort must be made to provide an efficient, reliable
and convenient public transport at the lowest possible cost to the
travelling public.
9.1.3 The box below shows the increasing profits made by SBS over
the years 1984 - 1993
|
SBS is the largest bus company in Singapore. It had a total
fleet of about 2687 buses in 1992 and covered a total of 191
routes. TIBS, the next major operator had a fleet of 422 buses
and operated 30 routes in 1992.
SBS after tax profits have grown tremendously.
SBS after tax profits
1984 $6.6 million
1985 $9.5 million
1986 $30.7 million
1987 $58.1 million
The Group profits in 1993 were $84.6 million.
TIBS after tax profits in 1993
$3.27 million
Group profits
$12.4 million
These savings have not been passed on to the consumer. So
long as SBS and TIBS are private companies, they must accumulate
profits for the benefit of their shareholders. Public transport
is a public service and must not be operated wholly for maximisation
of profits. SBS has closed down certain routes causing great
inconvenience to the public. This should not be so in a public
service.
|
9.1.4 The Party therefore proposes to bring all public transport
in Singapore under one body. A national transport corporation will
be set up to take over the operations of the major bus companies
and MRTC. The Corporation would ensure the smooth integration of
MRT into the transport network avoiding duplication of services.
The Party, however, proposes to continue to permit small private
companies to cater to the needs of particular sections of the travelling
public, e.g. air conditioned commuter buses for going to and from
work.
9.1.5 The Party recognises that taxis are also public transport
and that taxi fares should not be allowed to escalate. The Party,
for this reason, will abolish:-
The charge of $2.00 on taxis entering the CBD
The additional diesel tax now paid by taxi-owners
The surcharge of $1.00 for passengers taking taxis out of the
CBD in the afternoons
Certificates of Entitlement (COE) for purchase of taxis
The Party's hope is to lower taxi fares with the abolition |
9.1.6 The Party also proposes to lift the present restrictions
on the free transferability of taxis and to end the monopoly now
enjoyed by COMFORT and other few companies to register new taxis.
Any private individual who has a vocational driving licence for
taxis will be permitted to register a new taxi in his name and to
transfer it to any other vocational driving licence holder.
Registration of new taxis will, however, be monitored and regulated
so as not to allow an over-supply of taxis.
9.2 Private Transport
9.2.1 The Party recognises two conflicting interests that need to
be balanced. One is that the private motor car is still the cheapest
and most convenient method of transport for families and particularly
for travel to Malaysia either for business or pleasure. The second
is the need to prevent our roads being clogged up with motor vehicles.
9.2.2 The Party will therefore continue to control the number of
motor cars on the roads particularly at peak hours through the Area
Licensing Scheme but consider other measures to achieve this. Our
car owners, however, are the most heavily taxed in the world and
the Party will undertake a study to see whether the present burden
on car owners can be lightened through the introduction of other
measures to check the growth of private cars and to keep them off
the road especially at peak hours.
9.2.3 The Party will abolish Certificates of Entitlement for motor
cycles.
10. DEFENCE AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS
10.1 Defence
The Party is committed to the effective defence of Singapore. The
Party is, however, aware of the need to balance military requirements
against economic considerations. Although the defence of Singapore
must be ensured the question of cost-effectiveness must always be
considered.
10.1.1 The Table below shows the big bite that Defence takes out
of the Budget every year. Are we getting the balance right between
military and economic considerations?
Current Expenditure by Ministry: Defence, Education and Health
| |
1993/94
|
1994/95
|
| Total Expenditure |
Percentage Allocation |
Total Expenditure |
Percentage Allocation |
| $ Millions |
% GDP |
% |
$ Millions |
% of GDP |
% |
|
Defence
Education
Health
|
4,335.24
3,206.11
929.70
|
5.30
3.92
1.14
|
27.9
20.7
6.0
|
4,679.00
3,366.97
1,063.87
|
5.20
3.74
1.18
|
27.9
20.1
6.4
|
10.1.2 The Party will undertake a study whether Defence expenditure
needs to be maintained at this level in view of the great changes
that have taken place in world politics. Several countries are cutting
down on defence.
10.1.3 The Party is committed to National Service at its present
length notwithstanding that this means that a lot is demanded of
our young men and that taking every male out of the labour market
for two or two and a half years may be a drag on the economy. A
study needs to be made on the length of National Service necessary
to train our soldiers before any decision is made on the length.
10.2 Foreign Affairs
10.2.1 In foreign affairs, the Party will pursue a policy of non-alignment
and seek to make the area a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality.
The Party is firmly committed to upholding human rights and will
express its concern wherever there are any abuses of human rights.
10.2.2 The Party is committed to strengthening the economic co-operation
within ASEAN and particularly with Malaysia with whom we have a
lot of things in common. The Party will work towards closer social
and cultural ties with Malaysia and seek a common policy on matters
that affect both countries.
11. ARTS AND CULTURE
11.1 The Party is committed to ensuring the free and open environment
necessary for our cultural development. Censorship must be restricted
to censoring obscenity and violence. Political censorship is unacceptable.
11.2 The Party will actively encourage the development of art in
all forms without any control whatsoever by the government subject
only to the restrictions on obscenity and violence. Licensing of
art will be taken out of government control and given to an independent
body. The present system under which a government official decides
whether any play or dance can be performed is inimical to a free
development of art.
11.3 The Party will seek to improve the infrastructure (e.g. venues,
publicity bulletins) for cultural activities both traditional and
contemporary and will continue to offer financial and other assistance
to cultural groups through the Ministry of Community Development.
11.4 The Party recognises that our society has not reached the
stage of complete cultural integration. Therefore we favour parallel
development of all our varied traditions in the belied that integration
will come naturally through interaction and exchange.
12. SPORTS AND RECREATION
12.1 The Party will pursue a policy of providing recreational facilities
within HDB estates wherever this is possible with the land available.
The Party is of the view that at present attention is directed to
making available land (in a land hungry nation like ours) and recreational
facilities for the enjoyment of a minority who can pay for such
facilities. The Party will correct this imbalance.
12.2 The Party will discourage as a matter of policy and not through
legislation government ministers and Members of Parliament (from
the ruling Party) holding top positions in sports and other bodies
promoting arts and culture.
13. POPULATION POLICY
13.1 No More Panicked Intervention
13.1.1 The Party believes that it is wrong for government to be
forever panicking about scenarios of doom in the Twenty Second Century.
Otherwise we will spend one decade enforcing population control,
the next legislating to stimulate population growth, the third back
to population control and so on.
13.1.2 It is even more wrong to try and achieve (through incentives
or coercion) a pattern of procreation most desirable according to
some hare-brained scientifically unsound theory of genetic elitism
13.1.3 The Party wholly deplores attempts to reinforce social inequality
on the ground that such inequality is natural or necessary to avoid
some doom-laden scenario two centuries hence.
13.1.4 The Party believes that it is more reasonable scientifically
for government to assume that intelligence is more or less evenly
spread across all socio-economic strata. If an educational system
is structured to produce graduate children from graduate mothers
and non-graduate children from non-graduate mothers then that system
must be changed. Equality of access/opportunity will only have been
achieved when similar percentages of children from every socio-economic
stratum reach the various educational levels. And the Party believes
that the performance of children from the lowest socio-economic
stratum can and must be raised to match the performance of children
from the highest socio-economic stratum. (The performance of children
from the highest socio-economic stratum must not be lowered: it
must rise as far as it can). Maximum social mobility should be our
goal. Not social stratification.
13.2 Encouraging Parenthood
13.2.1 The Party believes nonetheless that the time has come to
make parenthood more comfortable and less costly to the family concerned.
One measure is to raise children's tax relief (see 2.3.1.3). Another
is to establish statutory no-pay leave for fathers/mothers during
which employers must hold open their job. How this statutory scheme
should work (e.g. how long should the period of leave be per child?
How do we devise a way in which the period of leave can be split
between the father and mother if they so choose?) will require consultation
with trade unions, employers, women's groups and other interested
bodies.
13.2.2 The Party will seek to reconcile parenthood and continued
participation in the workforce (which is desirable not just for
the individual family but also for the overall health of the economy
- because labour force growth contributes to GDP growth) by other
measures including:-
(i) providing more child-care facilities, including facilities
that are more affordable to lower-income groups;
(ii) encouraging part-time employment (with flexible schedules).
THE WAY AHEAD
After 35 years of PAP rule, it must seem hard for you to imagine
an alternative. You may even be scoffing at our inexperience (and
our presumption!). But wait. Read through this booklet again. We
are aware of our limitations. We are realistic. But we stand firm
in our belief that the PAP way of doing things is not the best way
for Singapore. We think it is imperative of us to grasp the challenge
of furnishing a future of hope for all Singaporeans. Do you really
want to continue living in fear? Do you want your children to grow
up in a society that's afraid?
We believe that our vision will take Singapore to a bright prosperous
future. We know that the PAP are Fifties men, out of touch with
a changing world, frightened of Singapore's social and cultural
aspirations, anxiously preaching the value of conformity and obedience.
They are no longer the Party for Singapore.
We have a vision of hope. Hope that Singaporeans may one day be
a caring society, free from fear where its citizens can develop
their talents to the fullest. This means the maximisation of opportunities
for our people within the Rule of Law. No more social engineering
from the top.
POWER TO THE PEOPLE
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