TOWARDS A CARING SOCIETY

Programme of The Workers' Party 1994

 

CONTENTS

1. INTRODUCTION
1.1 Party Philosophy
1.2 Style of Government
1.3 A Government of the People by the People for the People

2. ECONOMIC PROGRAMME
2.1 Minimum Conditions of Growth
2.2 Sharing in the Fruits of Growth
2.3 Taxations
2.4 Central Provident Fund
2.5 Labour and Trade Unions
2.6 Local Entrepreneurs

3. GOVERNMENT AND CIVIL LIBERTIES
3.1 Parliament as a Check on Executive Power
3.2 Executive President
3.3 Civil Service & Grassroots Organisations
3.4 Minority Rights
3.5 Citizens' Rights
3.6 Independent Elections Commission
3.7 Conclusion

4. JUSTICE, LAW AND ORDER
4.1 Administration of Justice
4.2 Law
4.3 Order

5. EDUCATION
5.1 A System that Lags Behind
5.2 PAP Aims
5.3 Workers' Party Philosophy
5.4 Specific Proposals for Basic Education
5.5 Streaming
5.6 University Education
5.7 Adult Education
5.8 Independent Schools

6. HEALTH CARE
6.1 Medisave - A System in Collapse
6.2 The Workers' Party Alternative
6.3 Interim Measures
6.4 Convalescent Homes

7. SOCIAL JUSTICE
7.1 Public Assistance Allowance
7.2 Care of the Aged and Infirm
7.3 Care of the Handicapped

8. HOUSING
8.1 Review of Prices
8.2 Rental Flats
8.3 Management of Estates
8.4 Town Councils
8.5 Land Use

9. TRANSPORT
9.1 Public Transport
9.2 Private Transport

10. DEFENCE AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS
10.1 Defence
10.2 Foreign Affairs

11. ARTS AND CULTURE

12. SPORTS AND RECREATION

13. POPULATION POLICY
13.1 No more panicked intervention
13.2 Encouraging Parenthood

THE WAY AHEAD

 

1. INTRODUCTION

This booklet outlines the programme of the Workers' Party for the next elections.

We have set out our stand in all important areas of government. These are the policies that we will seek to implement. While we will not hesitate to make the changes demanded by our vision of a just and caring society we will also not act in haste. We recognise the absolute importance of maintaining and increasing Singapore's economic prosperity. In our considered view our policies will bring economic growth, growth that will be meaningful to all our citizens.

Singapore has reached a stage of development where international competitiveness is no longer guaranteed by labour discipline and efficient management. We now have to compete in areas that require innovation and creative thinking. In today's world political authoritarianism is and will continue to be an obstacle to economic growth.

Political authoritarianism does not just harm our standard of living. It also harms our quality of life. We need democracy and freedom of expression for our full cultural, social and personal development.

Read on for an alternative to the PAP way of life, a way of life which in our view depends on fear, a government afraid of the people, a people afraid of the government.

Our alternative is built on hope, hope that we may become a just and caring society.

You hold the future of Singapore in your hands.

1.1 Party Philosophy
· Government is instituted to secure for citizens freedom and opportunity for their fullest growth as human beings
· Accordingly government must be democratically accountable and no citizen may be denied the free exercise of his rights of political participation
· Equality of opportunity requires that members of society lucky enough to be born healthy or wealthy participate in systems of education and health care that seek to give the disadvantaged (the poor, the sick, the handicapped) a fair chance in life.

1.2 Style of Government
From this statement of our philosophy it follows that the Party in government will act in consultation and partnership with all citizens. The Party will actively seek and encourage participation in the decision making process by every citizen through the publication of government policy papers and the free availability of information. Maximum opportunity will be provided for open discussion and debate and for interested organisations to make their representations. The Party, far from being afraid of criticism will recognise criticism as a spur to greater achievement.

1.3 A Government of the People by the People for the People
It is not enough simply to state the Party's philosophy. You have a right to know what this means in practice and how the Party proposes to change the present structure of society. At present, the structure is one of command from the top by those holding the reins of power with hardly any accountability to the people. In a democratic society, it is the people who are the masters and the government the servant. Unfortunately in Singapore, ever since the PAP took office in 1959, the government has been the master and the people the servants. We have to change this and make A GOVERNMENT OF THE PEOPLE BY THE PEOPLE FOR THE PEOPLE, a fact and not just a catch-phrase. Our citizens have been made to stand on their heads. The Party proposes to reverse the PAP's structure so that the flow of command is from the citizens to the government. The Party will write into the Constitution a citizens charter as is found in some countries.

The Party therefore proposes:-

1. A new Constitution which will spell out in precise and unambiguous terms the rights of the citizen with no saving clause for the government to restrict or take away the rights except in national emergencies declared at a special sitting of Parliament.

2. Writing into the new Constitution the universal franchise of one-man-one-vote and lower the voting age to nineteen

3. Entrenching the above so that no change may be made except upon a two-thirds majority vote of the voters taken upon a referendum

4. Setting up a Board of Equal Opportunities to ensure that the articles in the Constitution against discrimination on account of sex, ethnic origin, religious belief or wealth are strictly observed.

After 35 Years of 'Economic Growth' Under the P.A.P....
Cardboard collection: the old-age pension for our pioneers

 

2. ECONOMIC PROGRAMME

The Workers' Party is committed to the continuing economic prosperity of Singapore. Singapore is blessed in our geographic location and in our diverse linguistic heritage. We must maintain an open freetrade economy which is not over-regulated and in which resources are allocated by the market place. We must build on the solid base of our entrepot trade and strive to achieve and maintain a competitive edge in manufacturing and services. We must not be satisfied to be merely a "copying" centre turning out products designed elsewhere but strive to become a centre for research, innovation and design.

2.1 Minimum Conditions of Growth
2.1.1 The Party believes that wage increase must never outrun productivity growth. We must not price ourselves out of international markets.

2.1.2 The Party will set up a costs saving committee to study the administrative costs of government including salaries and allowances of Ministers. There is no justification whatsoever for the salaries now paid to Ministers and top civil servants. They are the highest in the world and give the wrong signal to other employees. The cost of governing Singapore with its population of 2.7 million is top-heavy and the committee will be asked to report what savings can be made without sacrificing the efficiency of the services provided by the government. A top-heavy public sector is a drag on the economy.

2.1.3 The Party is committed to the political stability necessary for a confident investment climate. However, the Party believes that true political stability exists only where a country has developed strong democratic institutions which ensure full accountability of government to people and allow peaceful changes of government. A government built on fear can never be stable. Foreign investors are aware of this fact.

2.1.4 The Party believes that without freedom of information, Singapore can never succeed as a financial, information, research, design and publishing centre. Publishing is an example of a sector where it is essential to have free access to information with no restrictions on making information available to the public. The Party believes that restrictions by the PAP government on information has hindered Singapore's chances of establishing itself as a publishing centre. There is an opportunity in this sector which we must not squander, namely the relocation of publishers from Hong Kong in the run-up to 1997.

2.1.5 The Party believes that without an educational system that values independence of thought and creativity and one that seeks to develop everyone's potential to the fullest (not just an allegedly 'genetically favoured' few) Singapore will stay stuck to low wage, low value added manufacturing.

2.2 Sharing in the Fruits of Growth
2.2.1 The Party also believes that economic growth must be made meaningful for every Singaporean including those of our people in the lowest income group. We do not think it right to tolerate poverty amidst affluence. The Party will not offer "handouts" but the Party will structure our system especially our educational system, to give that lowest income group a real opportunity to share in the fruits of growth.

The Table below shows wages in Singapore. At June 1993, 66.24% of employed persons earned less than $1500.00 per month. According to the Department of Statistics a family of four in Singapore need at least $1500.00 a month to afford the basic necessities of life. An individual with a family of four earning less than $1500.00 a month will need to work at another job or send a member of his family to work in order to live.

GROSS MONTHLY INCOME OF EMPLOYEES AS AT JUNE 1993
Gross Monthly Income
Employed Persons
%

Under $400.00

$400.00 -- $599.00

$600.00 -- $799.00

$800.00 -- $999.00

$1,000.00 -- $1,499.00

145,000

135,000

210,000

220,000

345,000

9.10

8.47

13.19

13.81

21.67

Source: 1993 Singapore Yearbook of Labour Statistics

Note: The income is gross without deduction for CPF. A worker earning $1,000.00 a month will take home only $800.00 a month.

Specific Measures
2.3 Taxation
The Party believes that in order to sustain acceptably high levels of economic activity, the burden of taxation should be kept to a minimum.

2.3.1 Personal Allowance
In 1947 the personal allowance was $3,000.00 per annum. Today, it is still $3,000.00. It was $2,000.00 until recently after the Party's constant calls for a revision. In addition, $1,000.00 is given as earned income relief.

2.3.1.1 The Party proposes to raise personal allowance to $5,000.00. Earned income relief will remain at $1,000.00

2.3.1.2 The Party proposes to raise the allowance for dependent spouses (i.e. not just for wives as at present) to $2,000.00.

2.3.1.3 The Party proposes a child allowance of $1,000.00 per child for children below six years of age and $2,000.00 for children between six and sixteen with extensions for families whose children are pursuing higher education. Child relief may be claimed only for a maximum of four children and in addition only if the child is not in receipt of a regular income in its own right, eg. Where the child has obtained employment. In our considered view, the revenue loss will not be great and the reduced burden of taxation will stimulate economic activity increasing consumption and/or voluntary savings.

2.3.2 Third Child Tax Rebate
However, the Party proposes to abolish enhanced child relief and special tax rebates. Given that there is a fixed cost element in bringing up a child (food, clothing, etc.) this rebate acts as an incentive to produce babies only for people paying larger amounts of tax. As such, it is the backdoor to creating a graduate motherhood elite. It is fairer to raise child allowances. When the Party abolishes this tax rebate, the Party will take into account the people who have relied on this rebate and have had a third child. The abolition of these rebates will partially offset any revenue loss from increasing personal allowances.

2.3.3 Estate Duty
The Party will also revise the existing rates of Estate Duty for larger estates. Whilst the Party believes that it is right that small estates should not be taxed heavily, there is no justification for allowing larger estates to pay minimal duty.

2.3.4 Capital Gains Tax
The Party will study the desirability of introducing Capital Gains Tax on sales of private properties. Such a tax is imposed in a number of counties and will help to keep out speculation in properties which result in property prices shooting up. Many Singaporeans find purchase of properties they consider desirable beyond their means as a result of speculation by foreign buyers and wealthy Singaporeans.

2.3.5 No Other New Measures
The Party considers that there will be no need to introduce other revenue gathering measures.

2.3.5.1 The Party will abolish the Goods & Services Tax imposed by this government from 1 April 1994. The Party had voiced its opposition to the tax and called for a referendum. The PAP government completely ignored the Party's call. The tax has resulted in undue hardship on the lower income sector of our society which sector is the largest sector. The tax has also affected the business sector and impaired economic growth. The only people who have benefited are the high earners who pay less income tax.

2.4 Central Provident Fund
The Party notes that Singapore's extremely high forced savings rate and the diversion of those savings only into non-productive assets in Singapore such as housing or into investments aboard contributed to the severity of the recession in 1985. The Party thinks that it will be a mistake, having removed the stone weights from a drowning man, to replace those weights once the man has surfaced and recovered his breath.

2.4.1 Accordingly, the Party proposes a rate of 35% coming equally (17.5%: 17.5%) from employers and employees. Such a rate should allow a sufficient sum to be built up to protect our citizens in old age.

2.4.2 There should be a right to full withdrawal at the age of 55. The CPF money belongs to our citizens and they should not be told that only the government knows how to look after their money. If persons continue to work beyond 55 years (and the Party believes that the retirement age can and should be raised to 60 years), then whether or not he employer is to make CPF payments, increase the employee's take home pay or do neither (the last alternative may encourage the employer to retain his employee) that should be a matter for bargaining between the employee and/or his union and the employer.

2.4.3 In the long run the Party will consider converting the fund into an old-age pension scheme for all citizens regardless of whether they were employed or not. This clearly needs a thorough study of the schemes operating in other countries and the Party will undertake such a study.

2.5 Labour and Trade Unions
The Party is committed to responsible trade unionism. Trade unions must never be so powerful as to promote sectional interests at the expense of the rest of society. However, responsibility must not be confused with subservience. Trade unions must protect their members' interests and not be just another instrument of government control. The Party will free trade unions from government control and the Trade Unions Act will be amended so that all trade union officials must be democratically elected. Trade unions along with professional bodies will be empowered to express their views and take appropriate action on matters that concern the nation and not confined solely to labour relations.

2.5.1 Labour Relations
The Party is committed to amending the Employment Act, the Industrial Relations Act and the Trade Disputes Act legislating so as to ensure:-

2.5.1.1 protection against unfair dismissal. A tribunal will be appointed with power to order re-instatement in appropriate cases and compensation in other cases.

2.5.1.2 Consultation by employers with unions where redundancies are planned;

2.5.1.3 Payment of statutory redundancy pay even in the absence of a redundancy agreement between union and employer;

2.5.1.4 Union representation on all issues affecting employees including terms of employment and conditions of work.

2.5.2 Profit Sharing
2.5.2.1 The party believes that to enable us to maintain international competitiveness wage increases should not outrun productivity growth. The Party further believes that wages should have a flexible element linked to the profitability of the company. In its 1976 Programme, the Party stated that it would "guide employers to work towards a system of profit sharing and equity participation with employees". In the light of that statement, the Party welcomes the NWC proposal on flexible wages but notes difficulties in its implementation. Unions must be free to exercise vigilance in ensuring that the productivity level and/or profitability of any company is not disguised or interpreted to the benefit of employers alone. There is a danger that flexible wages may mean that the employees take the strain in bad times, but the employer takes the profit in good times

2.5.2.2 Companies will be encouraged (but not coerced) to afford their employees a greater say in corporate decision-making. If employees' wages are linked to company profitability (i.e. employees are required to share the risk of the entrepreneurial function) employees should be given greater responsibility in the decision making process of entrepreneurial risk-taking.

2.6 Local Entrepreneurs
The Party is committed to fostering an innovative entrepreneurial spirit among Singaporeans. It is essential for our future prosperity that we are able to grasp the opportunities offered by the industries of the future. We must educate our children to be creative and to think independently. We must allow out businessmen full access to information relevant to business decisions. We must keep open two-way channels of communication between business and government. Government policy must be clear and not subject to frequent shifts and changes. We must ensure not only that there is no copy-right and patent protection for ideas but also that there is the academic freedom that is essential for research and development. We must put a stop to the paranoia of a government frightened of criticism.

2.6.1 The Party is committed to maintaining and expanding the role of the EDB in providing loans and other assistance to local businessmen.

2.6.2 The Party believes that the private sector has been adversely affected by past and present policies for statutory boards and other government agencies to seek profit-maximization. While the Party does not advocate subsidies in the provision of utilities and other goods nonetheless statutory boards and other government agencies should see their role as public service and not private profit-making. Savings from improved efficiency and productivity or lower input costs should be passed on to consumers. Otherwise Singapore's cost competitiveness will be adversely affected.

2.6.3 Also essential for cost competitiveness is keeping the public sector trim and efficient. The costs saving committee (2.1.2) is one of the Party's measures to achieve this. In addition the Party will revise the fees presently charged by the government and statutory boards for services and licences.

2.6.4 The Party further believes that because the private sector is a necessary engine of growth, measures must be taken to ensure that the public sector does not crowd out local entrepreneurs through unfair competition.

2.6.5 In particular one measure that can be taken immediately is to end the monopoly of our best-educated younger citizens by the public sector through scholarships that direct scholars into non productive areas including such branches of the Civil Service as the Internal Security Department. Perhaps one half or more of these scholarships could be replaced by bonds to work (anywhere) in Singapore for a specified period, perhaps a period double that operates for the remaining public sector scholarships.

2.6.6 In general we must seek to reduce the dependent mentality of Singaporeans, the lack of independence and self reliance that makes Singaporeans good sound managers but poor innovators and risk-takers.

 

3. GOVERNMENT AND CIVIL LIBERTIES

3.0 The Constitution should be the supreme law of Singapore. It should guarantee to every citizen his social and political rights, e.g. freedom from arbitrary arrest and freedom of speech. It should provide for the Rule of Law that is procedurally just (i.e. law that is clear and unambiguous, made public, of general and non discriminatory application and administered fairly) as well as substantially just (i.e. law that does not violate the basic rights of citizens).

3.0.1 The Constitution, however, can only remain our safeguard if it is defended from attacks on it. In a democratic society the defenders of the Constitution are firstly the people themselves and secondly the institutions of a free society, notably Parliament, and the courts, and to a lesser extent a free and independent Press and the Trade Union movement.

3.0.2 Unfortunately because the PAP has had a two-thirds majority from the time the party became the government, which has enabled them to change the Constitution at will, and because the PAP has never observed the spirit of the Constitution, we have achieved in Singapore a unique system, an elective dictatorship. The only element of parliamentary democracy that remains in Singapore is five yearly elections.

3.1 Parliament as a Check on Executive Power
The Party therefore will act to strengthen the institutions that are the foundations of a free society. In the belief that it is not too late to save Singapore, the Workers' Party proposes the following measures:-

3.1.1 The Party will strengthen the role of Parliament as a check on executive power and not merely a body whose "efficiency" is measured by the speed with which it passes legislation proposed by the executive. The Party will do away with non-elected seats (NCMP, NMP) in Parliament. There is no place for them in Parliament elected by the people. The Party will also abolish GRCs.

3.1.2 The Party will amend the Parliament (Privileges, Immunities and Powers) Act to ensure full freedom of speech in Parliament in order to safeguard the role of back-bench and opposition members in scrutinising and challenging legislation and in questioning and holding to account Ministers for executive action:

3.1.3 The Party will ensure Select Committees (which scrutinise major Bills placed before Parliament) are drawn from both government and opposition MPs;

3.1.4 The Party will set up departmental committees (drawn from both government and opposition) on the lines of the Departmental Committees set up by the U K House of Commons in 1979. These committees operate as a watchdog on ministerial action in selected areas and will have powers to summon Ministers and civil servants to explain any decision or expenditure and to report to Parliament. These committees would replace the toothless Government Parliamentary Committees which only institutionalise the sounding out of ruling party back-benchers by government Ministers.

3.1.5 The Party will appoint a Parliamentary Commissioner (Ombudsman) with statutory powers to investigate complaints from citizens (directed through Members of Parliament) that their civil rights have been overlooked or neglected by a department of the civil service or any other government agency including statutory boards. The Parliamentary Commissioner would be required to report to Parliament any complaint that is substantiated. The Constitutional Commission in 1966 had recommended the appointment of an Ombudsman but the PAP have never implemented the recommendation.

3.2 Executive President
The Party will seek to repeal the provisions in the Constitution giving executive powers to the President. The Party is totally committed to the supremacy of Parliament as the only representatives of the people and the government accountable fully only to Parliament. Under the PAP's plan, the President will exercise executive powers without any accountability to Parliament.

3.3 Civil Service and Grassroots Organisations
The Party will ensure the neutrality and independence of the civil service and grassroots organisations. The most obvious manifestation of the erosion of this neutrality is the frequent forays into the political arena by press secretaries writing letters to local and foreign press. The neutrality of the civil service and grassroots organisation is essential to the social fabric of Singapore. A politicised civil service makes thinking the right political thoughts a must for everyone who comes into contact with government. Politicised grassroots organisations prevent the growth and flourishing of community spirit.

3.4 Minority Rights
The Party will restructure the Presidential Commission on Minority Rights to make it more effective and representative of the minority communities by appointing solely leaders from the communities and excluding persons holding public office.

3.5 Citizens' Rights
The Party will where necessary introduce legislation to enforce and safeguard citizens' rights granted by the Constitution.

3.5.1 The Party will remove all restrictions on professional bodies from commenting on any decisions of the government or any proposed legislation. Insofar as an individual has a right to speak freely, that right includes asking someone else to speak on your behalf and/or joining others in speaking out. The PAP amended the Legal Profession Act to stop the Law Society from making its views known after the Society criticised the Bill to restrict circulation of foreign papers.

3.5.2 The Party will repeal the provisions in the Internal Security Act providing for detention without trial. Detention without an order of a legally constituted court after a fair trial is a negation of the Rule of Law and an obstacle to the growth of democracy. Whilst it may be necessary in time of great danger to the nation, it is an aberration at other times and the provision of the power to detain without trial is a blot on democracy.

3.5.3 The Party will review the law on public order and police licensing of assemblies. The law on public order should require that the police give one of a number of statutorily defined grounds as the reason for refusing a licence for an assembly; the decision of the police should be fully appealable to the High Court and compensation should be payable if the police unreasonably refuse a licence. Political parties should not be required to obtain a licence for public meetings or processions.

3.5.4 The Party will lift controls on local newspapers, encourage competition and will amend the Newspapers and Printing Presses Act accordingly;

3.5.5 The Party will remove the power of the Minister to restrict the local circulation of foreign newspapers. This power not only damages the rights of Singaporeans in political participation but also undermines investors' confidence and deprives financiers and businessmen of vital information and analysis especially when it is exercised against financial newspapers like the Asian Wall Street Journal.

3.5.6 The Party will place TV and radio broadcasting stations under a statutory duty to provide a balanced reporting on political issues and personalities and to accord a right of reply.

3.6 Independent Elections Commission
The Party will set up an Independent Elections Commission with all the responsibilities for the conduct of elections at present exercised by the Prime Minister. The responsibilities will include the drawing of boundaries and determining the number and size of constituencies. The Chairman of the Commission will be appointed after consultation with active political parties and the Commission shall be required to consult all such parties on all matters concerning and affecting elections and their conduct.

3.7 Conclusion
In general the constitutional arrangements of our society must ensure the openness and accountability of government to people. This requires not merely the specific measures outlined above but also the whole hearted commitment of every citizen to participating in political decision making.

After 35 Years of 'Economic Growth' Under the P.A.P.
The begging bowl...

 

4. JUSTICE, LAW AND ORDER

The Party believes that the maintenance of law and order is the first priority of any government. However, order must be secured by the Rule of Law, rules applicable to everyone and administered justly, so that every citizen may plan his life without any fear under the law. Therefore, law enforcement agencies of the government and government departments must also strictly act within the law in dealing with citizens. The Party will take the necessary steps to ensure this. The Party will also seek to educate citizens on their rights under the law by instituting a programme of lectures at community centres on citizens' rights and on the steps they should take to protect their rights and secure all their benefits and entitlements under the law. It is proposed that the lectures should be given by practising lawyers.

4.1 Administration of Justice
The Party believes that the impartial administration of justice by a judiciary, not only independent but manifestly seen to be independent of the Executive is the main pillar of stable society. The party also believes that recourse by citizens to remedy any grievance should be made as simple and cheap as possible. The Party will immediately seek to review the fees that are now charged for proceedings in the courts. The present fees may prevent the lower income sector from seeking remedies from the courts. Justice must be available to all regardless of wealth.

4.1.1 The Party will re-introduce jury trial for the serious criminal offences. This is proposed if only because it gives the citizen a part in the administration of justice and makes the citizen responsible along with the government for maintaining law and order in the society.

4.1.2 The Party will create a Judicial Service separate from the Legal Service for judicial officers in the Subordinate Courts and exclude members of the Executive from the Commission responsible for their career or their advancement.

4.1.3 The Party will amend the Constitution by removing the present provisions for the appointment of Judges and Judicial Commissioners for fixed terms by the Prime Minister. The Party will consider raising the retirement age for Judges to 70;

4.1.4 The Party will abolish the right of the Public Prosecutor to appeal when an accused person has been acquitted on the merits by a court. The Public Prosecutor's right to refer questions of law to an appellate court will be continued;

4.1.5 The Party considers that the present provisions for appeals in criminal cases are inadequate, particularly for cases heard in the Subordinate Courts. The Party's view is that there should be a two-tier appeal in criminal cases which affect the liberty of the citizens. The present provision whereunder appeals from the Subordinate Courts are heard by a single Judge with no statutory right of further appeal is totally inadequate and may work towards injustice. The party thinks a two-tier appeal should also be introduced for criminal cases heard in the High Court but subject to certain restrictions, eg. Only on points of law with the leave of the second appellate court.

4.1.6 The Party will improve the efficiency and increase the scope of legal aid in civil cases;

4.1.7 The Party will bring into force the statutory criminal legal aid scheme (passed before the PAP came into power but as yet not brought into force) to replace the present voluntary legal aid scheme run by the Law Society. The Law Society scheme is very narrow in scope (because of lack of funding: it receives no money from the government). A statutory scheme could allow for graduated contributions (i.e. the scheme could require applicants to pay a proportion of the legal fees determined by reference to their means) instead of, as under the Law Society scheme, free legal aid if the means test is passed and no legal aid if the means test is not passed. Legal aid should be part of society's duty to its members and should not simply be private charity volunteered by lawyers.

4.1.8 The Party will consider establishing a fund to compensate defendants acquitted on the merits (and not on technical grounds). Any system for the administration of justice should recognise that mistakes can be made. Accordingly, an acquitted person should be given compensation if he has been held in remand awaiting trial. It is irrelevant whether or not the prosecution thought they had a good cause. The money is compensation by the state and not in any sense a mark of disapproval against the prosecution.

4.1.9 The Party proposes to set up a special court staffed by a mature judge to hear cases that arise within families, including maintenance for wives and children. The party will introduce measures to combat the battering of wives and the abuse of children and the judge will be given extensive powers to deal with this problem. The measures will ensure that wives subjected to battery will obtain speedy and adequate protection and not made to depend on junior officers in the police.

4.2 Law
4.2.1 The Party believes that the width of powers exercised in Singapore by the Executive is excessive. This practice should not only be ended but the citizen should be provided with a right of appeal from the decision of a Minister. The Parliamentary Commissioner would go a long way to meet this.

4.2.2 The Party intends to set up an Administrative Tribunal staffed by independent persons to hear appeals from decisions of the Executive from citizens who complain that their social and economic rights have been denied by the Executive or that they have not had a fair hearing. Further the codification of administrative law and procedure should be considered in order to provide effective means of controlling abuses of Executive power. The Party will introduce legislation to require the Executive to give reasons for their decisions in matters affecting citizens and to ensure that he citizen, aggrieved by a decision, is supplied with adequate information in order to challenge that decision if it is procedurally or substantively illegal.

4.2.3 The Party considers that it is desirable to introduce a Freedom of Information Act for the purpose of providing citizens with more control over the conduct of their own lives within the law. The Party will undertake a study of such legislation in other countries.

4.3 Order
4.3.1 The Party will uphold and maintain the operational effectiveness of the police. Adequate resources will be given to the police to fight crime. One area is to provide specialised training for Police Officers investigating crimes. At present the investigation capabilities of police officers suffer from an over-eagerness to obtain confessions from accused persons to spare themselves any independent parallel investigations.

4.3.2 The Party intends to appoint a Commission on Justice to look into the powers of the police in the investigation of crime. There is a real danger that the present powers given to the police and the methods employed may result in miscarriages of justice.

4.3.3 The Party will examine whether in the context of today, it is any longer necessary to continue detaining suspected criminals without producing them in court. This law, the Criminal Law (Temporary Provisions) Act was introduced to combat secret societies that were rife in the sixties. It was intended to be temporary but the PAP have continued it. This detention is again a negotiation of the Rule of Law and its use in any form has to be thoroughly justified and subject to adequate safeguards to ensure that the police do not see it as a convenient way of locking up people who they think are engaged in criminal activities.

4.3.4 The Party will continue and strengthen efforts to build community spirit and public confidence in the police. However, part of having confidence in the police comes from knowing that police discipline is strict and there is an efficient and effective procedure for redress where the police abuse their powers. The Party will set up watch committees in all police divisions independent of the police and drawn from citizens living within the division to investigate complaints of abuse, particularly violence, by police officers exercising their powers.

4.3.5 In Singapore our punishments are harsh and our prison population is large compared to many countries. Hitherto our system has assumed that deterrence is the only answer to crime. The Party will review this question and consider increasing the role of non-custodial sentences in rehabilitating people convicted of crime.

4.3.6 Under our law at present, the discretion of the convicting court in assessing the proper sentence in any case has been greatly reduced by the provision of mandatory sentences for many crimes. The Party is of the view that this is wrong as it detracts from the independence of the courts in their function. The courts must have full sentencing discretion and the Party will introduce legislation to restore this discretion to the courts except where the public interest demands only one sentence. The Party will actively encourage public discussion on punishment.

4.3.7 The Party will also review the whole question of caning.

4.3.8 The victims of crime in Singapore are not sufficiently considered. An immediate measure that the Party proposes is to set up a state funded Board to offer compensation to the victims of violent crimes. This would supplement and not replace any court orders for compensation of a particular victim by the assailant of the victim.

 

5. EDUCATION

5.1 A System that Lags Behind
Singapore's education system lags behind those of many other countries.

5.2 PAP Aims
The real problem is the PAP's attitude towards the educational system. The PAP have designed the system to achieve three things.

5.2.1 A grading system to separate those who can learn from those who allegedly cannot. Whilst the Party recognises the need for grading, it should not be implemented to produce forced "dropouts" from schools. The PAP's scientifically specious views about genetic selection and inheritance have influenced the design of the system (eg, streaming at an early age) so as to reinforce the PAP assumption that generally speaking poor people must produce stupid children.

5.2.2 A system for allocating manpower resources according to projected economic needs. Of course, manpower planning must take place at the macro level but such a system should not deny students who can take advantage of further education. We should seek to maximise what our people can achieve.

5.2.3 A system that does not give its products too high expectations nor too great an ability to think. In the PAP's view, conformity is the supreme value.

5.3 Workers' Party Philosophy
Things must change. And change must begin with a new philosophy of education.

5.3.1 An educational system must assume that most children can learn. When they do not, then this shows that the system is not working, and when, as in Singapore, it is the children of lower income families who perform worst in school, we must structure the system to provide remedial classes that target their learning problems at the earliest age, and not label them as genetically inferior and stream them out.

5.3.2 There must be something wrong with our education is schools if a large number of students have to resort to tuition outside the school to get their education. This places a great strain on the lower income group.

5.3.3 Singapore's future depends on our citizens being equipped for a new environment of "higher-value added" occupations. If we educate people to think, give them computing and design skills, then they will power our economy forward. We should not say that our economy in ten year's time will require X% of manual workers, therefore we must not educate too many people too highly. If we do that, then we will have a sluggish economy.

5.3.4 That same environment will require Singaporeans to be broadly educated, creative and independent in thought. If they can be so, then Singaporeans will not only be able to grasp opportunities as and when they arise and adjust flexibly to new situations but they will also be able to create new opportunities for themselves and our nation.

5.3.5 Education is not merely a means to an end. It is an end in itself: the fullest development of our citizens as human beings.

Specific Proposals

5.4 Basic Education
In our 1988 manifesto, we outlined the proposals below. We feel a certain sense of satisfaction that the government have adopted some of our proposals.

5.4.1 The Party proposes to appoint a commission to inquire into the purpose and goal of education. The Commission will be required to receive representations from parents and others concerned with education and to recommend a basic education system, the content thereof and the length of education. In the Party's manifesto for 1988, the Party had proposed for our children to have a basic education up to the age of 15 or 16 and this would appear to have been accepted by the government. There is also the question whether education should be made compulsory.

5.4.2 There should not be "ability" streaming as practised in the present educational system. An American educationalist called Dominick Esposito writing in the 1973 Review of Educational Research at pp 163-179 reviewed research into streaming in the United States during the 1960s and early 1970 and concluded that streaming aggravated social and economic differences between children and is of no demonstrable value in the teaching and learning process. None of this research appears to have been cited to the Goh Keng Swee Committee of system engineers.

5.4.3 Poor learners should be targeted at an early age as a special responsibility of the system. Remedial classes and adequate resources should be provided to achieve this end.

5.4.4 There should be greater independence within the system so that that initiative of principals, teachers and parents can be tapped to achieve schools that are more diverse and provide, among other things, a more creative learning environment.

5.4.5 Schools should be single session all day instead of two sessions of morning and afternoon school.

5.4.6 Class sizes should be reduced to an optimum level of about 20. This will enable teachers to assess individual needs more easily (and therefore recognise and help poor learners earlier) as well as enabling teachers to spend less time on administrative and disciplinary tasks and more time teaching.

5.4.7 Teachers must be given the status that their responsibility deserves. In particular, in our degree conscious society, the present 4-year course for primary school teachers at the Institute of Education should be upgraded into a Bachelor Education degree course.

5.4.8 The Party is concerned about the cost to parents to educate their children. The Party proposes to exempt families with a total income of $1,500.00 or less from the payment of any fees for their children's education in schools. The Party would also consider payment of a children's allowance to such families to be used for the children's education in the purchase of books and teaching aids.

5.5 Streaming
At the age of 15 or 16, there should be a division into vocational institutes, polytechnics, junior colleges and Pre-U centres. The major difference is that children would enter vocational institutes only after the end of a common basic education.

5.6 University Education
Access to university must be substantially improved. The following measures are proposed.

5.6.1 University education must teach students to think independently and also encourage them to take an interest in disciplines outside their own. The Party is concerned at the constraint on academic freedom in the University and will remove such constraints where they hinder the growth of independent thinking. Conformity should not be the order of the day and both the NUS and NTU should be freed from petty government control.

5.6.2 The number of university places should be increased substantially. There are many Singaporeans who cannot enter the National University of Singapore. Those who can afford to do so go abroad and when they return compete effectively with NUS graduates. Others cannot afford to go abroad. Clearly this shows that there are people in Singapore who can benefit from university education who do no not have the opportunity to do so.

5.6.3 Tuition fees must be kept to a minimum. Otherwise even the provision of 'soft' loans to poorer students will not stop them from being deterred from taking up a place at the university.

5.7 Adult Education
Adult Education at all levels (technical and Professional) should be firmly encouraged. In particular, the role of the EDB and ITE in partnership with the SDF, as a source of funding, should be expanded to help individual employers train and retrain their employees and also help establish and improve industry-wide training schemes.

5.8 Independent Schools
The Party recognises the natural desire of parents to give their children the best possible education. The Party recognises the right of parents to send their children to the schools of their choice. The Party also recognises, as noted at 5.4.4 that greater diversity is desirable. However, the Party believes that such diversity can and should be achieved within the State system and not outside it. The Party is also concerned that Independent Schools should not draw away and acquire a monopoly on the best talent and resources in the community. The Party is further worried that Independent Schools will worsen the present weighting of educational resources towards children from higher income backgrounds. The Party, therefore, although it does not reject Independent Schools, will strive to ensure that children in State schools receive an education that will enable them to compete fully with children from Independent Schools.

 

6. HEALTH CARE

6.1 Medisave - A System in Collapse
6.1.1 Medisave is not the answer to the very real problem that our low income citizens face in paying for their health care. The system is nothing more than a way of shirking society's responsibility but ensuring on the other hand that hospital fees and charges are collected without the odium of taking to court those who are unable to pay for their bills. Every individual has to pay out of his own savings further depleting monies available for old age. The PAP's philosophy is that the government should be responsible only for preventive measures and health education and that health care should be left to the private sector. As a result practically all hospitals have been privatised leading to escalating health costs without any concern for the majority of our people. The PAP's oft repeated claim that health costs are affordable is simply not true for our people earning less than $1,000.00 a month. Before 1998 it was reported that about 200 Singaporeans died every year from kidney failure because they could not pay for the cost of dialysis. No figures are available on how many Singaporeans now die every year from kidney failure because they cannot pay for dialysis treatment.

To refute the PAP's claim that health costs are affordable we have only to look at a case in point. The wife a couple both well over 70years and not in receipt of any regular income had to enter Alexandra Hospital, a hospital which has all the appearance of being run down. She was in and out of the hospital a number of times before she died. She was in a ward with at least 5 others. The hospital billed them more than $3400.00 for a total of 38days the wife had stayed in the hospital. This works out to almost $90.00 a day and this is what the PAP calls affordable for a couple well over 70 years old and dependent on whatever their children can give them to live on. They have no monies in the CPF.

6.1.2 Medisave and Medishield are not the answer to the problem of escalating health costs brought about by the privatisation of health care. A system designed for the main purpose of ensuring that hospitals collect their charges will not solve the problem for the majority of our people who find the cost of health care beyond their reach. The escalating health costs will affect the economy of the country. To maintain economic progress our people who contribute in a large measure to our economic growth - our workers - must be relieved of the anxiety over the cost of health care for themselves and their families. Common sense will tell us that if workers are unable to maintain their health and the health of their families their performance will suffer and with that productivity. A healthy nation is a prosperous nation.

6.2 The Workers' Party Alternative
The Party proposes to phase out the Medisave Scheme as soon as possible and implement instead a comprehensive public health insurance scheme. The Party recognises that Singaporeans should be free to choose to pay more for private health care but at the same time firmly believes that government must be responsible for ensuring a firm bedrock of public health care that adequately meets the needs of all Singaporeans, particularly those who have low income. The details of insurance claims (what its scope should be/whether there should be different classes of care within the public health care system/how the scheme will interact with private health care, etc.) can only be fully worked out once the Party is elected. The Party will study schemes in operation in other countries and learn from their experience. A comprehensive health insurance scheme has the following advantages over the Medisave scheme.

6.2.1 Public health insurance will cover all treatment, including treatment of outpatients at clinics.

6.2.2 Allocation of medical resources by need rather than by ability to pay will be achieved because of the administrative control inherent in a public health care system

6.2.3 Sharing the burden of health care. This will result in lower individual contributions. Being forced to save in advance an amount which would meet one's own health needs, if one is not catastrophically ill, means that one will either save too little or too much for one's actual health needs. And one will never see the excess money (if there is an excess rather than a shortfall) again in one's lifetime. In contrast a health insurance scheme means one will pay contributions proportionate to total health care costs and use exactly how much health care one needs.

6.2.4 Keeping total medical costs down will be achieved by administrative control eg. Over salaries, which make up about 80% of expenditure on health. Contrast Britain and the USA. Britain has a National Health Service. The USA had a pay for yourself private health care system. In 1982 a comparison of 10 western countries was undertaken. The USA was the second highest spender per capita but had the second worst health (measured by a number of indices). Britain was the lowest spender per capita yet had the fourth best health.

6.3 Interim Measures
Prior to the implementation of a public health care insurance scheme, the Party will take the following immediate measures.

6.3.1 The Party will improve the quality of health care in Class C wards and drastically reduce the fees. The Party will additionally increase the provision of Class C beds because the demand for them appears to exist.

6.3.2 The Party will reduce fees for outpatient treatment and allow monies in Medisave accounts to be used for this purpose.

6.4 Convalescent Homes
The Party also proposes to set up convalescent homes for those who can be discharged from hospital but still cannot be adequately looked after at home. This need is particularly relevant among poor families who cannot afford to employ live-in or visiting nurses.

 

7. SOCIAL JUSTICE

The Party's philosophy is that of a caring society and the Party is aware that the touch-stone of this philosophy will be seen in how the Party cares for the members of our society who are in need of care. An immediate problem will be to assess the needs of all in need of care and the Party will embark upon this study immediately.

7.1 Public Assistance Allowance
The present rates of public assistance of
$155-00 for a single person
$240-00 for 2-persons household
$355-00 for 3-persons household (2 adults + 1 child)
$420-00 for 4-persons household (2 adults + 2 children)
are in the Party's view completely unrealistic and indeed derisory. The Party proposes to revise the allowances to more realistic amounts. The Party, will, however, continue the policy of ensuring those paid public assistance (which are subsistence allowances from taxpayers' monies) are not in receipt of any adequate income on their own and need public assistance to live. The Party will ensure that there is no abuse of public assistance and that public assistance is not looked upon as dole for the indolent.

7.2 Care of the Aged and Infirm
7.2.1 The Party proposes to halt the almost criminal neglect by the government of its responsibility for the care of the aged generally and particularly for those who are chronically ill in old age and are bedridden without support care from relatives. In poor families, the families are simply unable to provide the care. There is an acute shortage of beds available in homes for the chronic sick and bedridden. The Party will ensure that all who are in need of such care and who cannot be taken care of by relatives will be properly taken care of and for this purpose provide an adequate availability of homes for the aged sick and bedridden.

7.2.2 The Party will continue to welcome and encourage help from voluntary organisations in sharing with the government the responsibility for the care of our aged sick. The Party will render every assistance to voluntary organisations that are involved in the work of caring for those members of our society who through no fault of their own are simply unable to take care of themselves.

7.2.3 The Party will raise the standard of care that is now provided in the Homes run by the government.

7.3 Care of the Handicapped
7.3.1 The Party proposes to halt the criminal neglect by the government of the handicapped members of our society. The Party believes that government as an agent of society has a special responsibility to help the handicapped to lead lives that are as full as possible and integrated with the rest of the community.

7.3.2 Special attention will be paid to the education, training for employment and the transport needs of the handicapped. An instance of the criminal neglect of this government is the absence of proper teaching facilities and adequate trained staff for the education of the handicapped children are who educable.

7.3.3 The Party does not wish to minimise the contribution that has been made by voluntary organisations in the care of the handicapped and are extremely grateful to them. The Party hopes they will continue to work alongside the government so that the handicapped no longer feel that Society has passed them by.

 

8. HOUSING

8.1 Review of Prices
The Party will immediately undertake a study to review the purchase prices and rentals of HDB commercial rentals in line with our stated principle that while there should be no subsidies, the objective of a statutory board like HDB should be public service and not profit maximisation. The Party proposes to appoint a Commission to look into all these related questions and to report to the government. The Party is especially concerned to see that public housing is brought within the means of the majority of our citizens without it becoming a strain on their finances and depleting the provision for old age.

8.2 Rental Flats
The Party proposes to make available a sufficient number of flats for rental and not confined only to one or two room flats for families who simply cannot afford to purchase the flats. The present practice of forcing families to purchase flats will be discouraged.

8.3 Management of Estates
Another major challenge confronting Singaporeans in this area is the management of existing and future public housing estates. There are two questions. How do we foster community spirit and neighbourliness? What mechanisms should we have to investigate and remedy residents' grievances?

8.3.1 Community spirit
One important reason why community spirit is lacking is because residents feel that the community organisations are PAP tools. This must be changed. The Party proposes the following measures:-

8.3.1.1 The organisations should be detached from the Prime Minister's Office;

8.3.1.2 Neither government MPs nor opposition MPs should be 'advisors' to the organisations;

8.3.1.3 Opposition MPs should not be excluded from using facilities (e.g. community centres) under the organisations' control;

8.3.1.4 Advice and financial budgeting should come directly from the Ministry of Community Development;

8.3.1.5 Officials of community organisations should be elected by residents. Such elections should not take place on party line i.e. party symbols/involvement would be forbidden;

8.3.1.6 Guidelines as to the proper and non-political activities of the organisation should be issued.

8.3.2 Residents' grievances
Four measures are proposed to give residents more control over HDB decision-making that affects them.

8.3.2.1 The Party will examine the existing provisions in the Act and Regulations with the aim of reducing the number of grounds on which the HDB may evict "home-owners";

8.3.2.2 The Party will set up an independent housing tribunal at which the HDB will have to prove its case before eviction or imposition of other penalties. The present provisions in the Act that enable the HDB to repossess flats without taking action before a court to re-possess will be repealed. A limited right of appeal to the High Court (e.g. on questions of law) will be provided but only where the tribunal orders eviction;

8.3.2.3 Appoint a Housing Commissioner - a person wholly and completely distinct from the proposed Parliamentary Commissioner (see 3.1.5) - with statutory powers to receive complaints from tenants and owners and to investigate those complaints. His brief will be wide covering matters such as siting of rubbish dumps, maintenance of estates, traffic noise as well as oppressive behaviour by HDB officers towards particular tenants and owners. His report on any matter will go to the Minister of National Developments and also be laid before parliament;

8.3.2.4 Encourage the setting up of tenants (term to include flat owners) associations to consider and make representations as to the needs of the tenants and as to maintenance in housing estates. The Party will also consider enlarging Board of Members on the HDB to include person or persons nominated by the tenants associations.

8.4 Town Councils
The Party will review the present powers and functions of Town Councils. At present Town Councils function simply to maintain the cleanliness of housing estates and to provide amenities. To do the latter the Town Councils are dependent on the grassroots organisations approving their plans and after them the Minister for National Development. This is an unnecessary limitation on the powers of Town Councils. The Party will study the setting up of elected District Councils which will take in the constituencies in the district with wider powers, not only in the maintenance of housing estates but also in areas of hawker licensing and control over hawkers, provision of car parks and traffic control in consultation with the Traffic Police and provision of playing fields for recreation. This is in line with the Party's philosophy that the people should have more say in matters that concern them in the areas where they live.

8.5 Land Use
The Party considers that the PAP government has abused the intent and purpose of the Land Acquisition Act.

Section 5 of the Act which declares when land may be acquired is far too wide and has enabled the government to acquire land from citizens only to sell them again at inflated prices. The PAP government has acquired land in excess of what is required. The Party proposes to restrict the purposes for which land may be acquired.

The provision in the Constitution requiring payment of reasonable compensation which the PAP government abolished when it took office will be restored.

 

9. TRANSPORT

9.1 Public Transport
9.1.1 The Party recognises that a great majority of our workers and employees depend on public transport to go to their places of work. Public transport for this reason must be convenient, reliable and more importantly cheap, particularly if workers are to be persuaded that wages must be held down and not outstrip productivity.

9.1.2 The Party believes that public transport should be regarded as a service to the community and not as a profit oriented business operation seeking to maximise profits. Savings brought about by increased efficiency and productivity should be passed on to the consumers. The Party is not proposing any subsidy for public transport but that every effort must be made to provide an efficient, reliable and convenient public transport at the lowest possible cost to the travelling public.

9.1.3 The box below shows the increasing profits made by SBS over the years 1984 - 1993

SBS is the largest bus company in Singapore. It had a total fleet of about 2687 buses in 1992 and covered a total of 191 routes. TIBS, the next major operator had a fleet of 422 buses and operated 30 routes in 1992.

SBS after tax profits have grown tremendously.

SBS after tax profits
1984 $6.6 million
1985 $9.5 million
1986 $30.7 million
1987 $58.1 million

The Group profits in 1993 were $84.6 million.

TIBS after tax profits in 1993
$3.27 million
Group profits
$12.4 million

These savings have not been passed on to the consumer. So long as SBS and TIBS are private companies, they must accumulate profits for the benefit of their shareholders. Public transport is a public service and must not be operated wholly for maximisation of profits. SBS has closed down certain routes causing great inconvenience to the public. This should not be so in a public service.

9.1.4 The Party therefore proposes to bring all public transport in Singapore under one body. A national transport corporation will be set up to take over the operations of the major bus companies and MRTC. The Corporation would ensure the smooth integration of MRT into the transport network avoiding duplication of services. The Party, however, proposes to continue to permit small private companies to cater to the needs of particular sections of the travelling public, e.g. air conditioned commuter buses for going to and from work.

9.1.5 The Party recognises that taxis are also public transport and that taxi fares should not be allowed to escalate. The Party, for this reason, will abolish:-

The charge of $2.00 on taxis entering the CBD
The additional diesel tax now paid by taxi-owners
The surcharge of $1.00 for passengers taking taxis out of the CBD in the afternoons
Certificates of Entitlement (COE) for purchase of taxis
The Party's hope is to lower taxi fares with the abolition

9.1.6 The Party also proposes to lift the present restrictions on the free transferability of taxis and to end the monopoly now enjoyed by COMFORT and other few companies to register new taxis. Any private individual who has a vocational driving licence for taxis will be permitted to register a new taxi in his name and to transfer it to any other vocational driving licence holder.

Registration of new taxis will, however, be monitored and regulated so as not to allow an over-supply of taxis.

9.2 Private Transport
9.2.1 The Party recognises two conflicting interests that need to be balanced. One is that the private motor car is still the cheapest and most convenient method of transport for families and particularly for travel to Malaysia either for business or pleasure. The second is the need to prevent our roads being clogged up with motor vehicles.

9.2.2 The Party will therefore continue to control the number of motor cars on the roads particularly at peak hours through the Area Licensing Scheme but consider other measures to achieve this. Our car owners, however, are the most heavily taxed in the world and the Party will undertake a study to see whether the present burden on car owners can be lightened through the introduction of other measures to check the growth of private cars and to keep them off the road especially at peak hours.

9.2.3 The Party will abolish Certificates of Entitlement for motor cycles.

 

10. DEFENCE AND FOREIGN AFFAIRS

10.1 Defence
The Party is committed to the effective defence of Singapore. The Party is, however, aware of the need to balance military requirements against economic considerations. Although the defence of Singapore must be ensured the question of cost-effectiveness must always be considered.

10.1.1 The Table below shows the big bite that Defence takes out of the Budget every year. Are we getting the balance right between military and economic considerations?

Current Expenditure by Ministry: Defence, Education and Health
 
1993/94
1994/95
Total Expenditure Percentage
Allocation
Total Expenditure Percentage
Allocation
$ Millions % GDP % $ Millions % of GDP %

Defence

Education

Health

4,335.24

3,206.11

929.70

5.30

3.92

1.14

27.9

20.7

6.0

4,679.00

3,366.97

1,063.87

5.20

3.74

1.18

27.9

20.1

6.4

10.1.2 The Party will undertake a study whether Defence expenditure needs to be maintained at this level in view of the great changes that have taken place in world politics. Several countries are cutting down on defence.

10.1.3 The Party is committed to National Service at its present length notwithstanding that this means that a lot is demanded of our young men and that taking every male out of the labour market for two or two and a half years may be a drag on the economy. A study needs to be made on the length of National Service necessary to train our soldiers before any decision is made on the length.

10.2 Foreign Affairs
10.2.1 In foreign affairs, the Party will pursue a policy of non-alignment and seek to make the area a zone of peace, freedom and neutrality. The Party is firmly committed to upholding human rights and will express its concern wherever there are any abuses of human rights.

10.2.2 The Party is committed to strengthening the economic co-operation within ASEAN and particularly with Malaysia with whom we have a lot of things in common. The Party will work towards closer social and cultural ties with Malaysia and seek a common policy on matters that affect both countries.

 

11. ARTS AND CULTURE

11.1 The Party is committed to ensuring the free and open environment necessary for our cultural development. Censorship must be restricted to censoring obscenity and violence. Political censorship is unacceptable.

11.2 The Party will actively encourage the development of art in all forms without any control whatsoever by the government subject only to the restrictions on obscenity and violence. Licensing of art will be taken out of government control and given to an independent body. The present system under which a government official decides whether any play or dance can be performed is inimical to a free development of art.

11.3 The Party will seek to improve the infrastructure (e.g. venues, publicity bulletins) for cultural activities both traditional and contemporary and will continue to offer financial and other assistance to cultural groups through the Ministry of Community Development.

11.4 The Party recognises that our society has not reached the stage of complete cultural integration. Therefore we favour parallel development of all our varied traditions in the belied that integration will come naturally through interaction and exchange.

 

12. SPORTS AND RECREATION

12.1 The Party will pursue a policy of providing recreational facilities within HDB estates wherever this is possible with the land available. The Party is of the view that at present attention is directed to making available land (in a land hungry nation like ours) and recreational facilities for the enjoyment of a minority who can pay for such facilities. The Party will correct this imbalance.

12.2 The Party will discourage as a matter of policy and not through legislation government ministers and Members of Parliament (from the ruling Party) holding top positions in sports and other bodies promoting arts and culture.

 

13. POPULATION POLICY

13.1 No More Panicked Intervention
13.1.1 The Party believes that it is wrong for government to be forever panicking about scenarios of doom in the Twenty Second Century. Otherwise we will spend one decade enforcing population control, the next legislating to stimulate population growth, the third back to population control and so on.

13.1.2 It is even more wrong to try and achieve (through incentives or coercion) a pattern of procreation most desirable according to some hare-brained scientifically unsound theory of genetic elitism

13.1.3 The Party wholly deplores attempts to reinforce social inequality on the ground that such inequality is natural or necessary to avoid some doom-laden scenario two centuries hence.

13.1.4 The Party believes that it is more reasonable scientifically for government to assume that intelligence is more or less evenly spread across all socio-economic strata. If an educational system is structured to produce graduate children from graduate mothers and non-graduate children from non-graduate mothers then that system must be changed. Equality of access/opportunity will only have been achieved when similar percentages of children from every socio-economic stratum reach the various educational levels. And the Party believes that the performance of children from the lowest socio-economic stratum can and must be raised to match the performance of children from the highest socio-economic stratum. (The performance of children from the highest socio-economic stratum must not be lowered: it must rise as far as it can). Maximum social mobility should be our goal. Not social stratification.

13.2 Encouraging Parenthood
13.2.1 The Party believes nonetheless that the time has come to make parenthood more comfortable and less costly to the family concerned. One measure is to raise children's tax relief (see 2.3.1.3). Another is to establish statutory no-pay leave for fathers/mothers during which employers must hold open their job. How this statutory scheme should work (e.g. how long should the period of leave be per child? How do we devise a way in which the period of leave can be split between the father and mother if they so choose?) will require consultation with trade unions, employers, women's groups and other interested bodies.

13.2.2 The Party will seek to reconcile parenthood and continued participation in the workforce (which is desirable not just for the individual family but also for the overall health of the economy - because labour force growth contributes to GDP growth) by other measures including:-

(i) providing more child-care facilities, including facilities that are more affordable to lower-income groups;
(ii) encouraging part-time employment (with flexible schedules).

 

THE WAY AHEAD

After 35 years of PAP rule, it must seem hard for you to imagine an alternative. You may even be scoffing at our inexperience (and our presumption!). But wait. Read through this booklet again. We are aware of our limitations. We are realistic. But we stand firm in our belief that the PAP way of doing things is not the best way for Singapore. We think it is imperative of us to grasp the challenge of furnishing a future of hope for all Singaporeans. Do you really want to continue living in fear? Do you want your children to grow up in a society that's afraid?

We believe that our vision will take Singapore to a bright prosperous future. We know that the PAP are Fifties men, out of touch with a changing world, frightened of Singapore's social and cultural aspirations, anxiously preaching the value of conformity and obedience. They are no longer the Party for Singapore.

We have a vision of hope. Hope that Singaporeans may one day be a caring society, free from fear where its citizens can develop their talents to the fullest. This means the maximisation of opportunities for our people within the Rule of Law. No more social engineering from the top.

 

POWER TO THE PEOPLE

 

 


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